Wednesday, December 29, 2010
Thursday, December 16, 2010
Burma Needs Inter-Ethnic and Inter-Class Solidarity
by Dr. Zar Ni | Tuesday, December 14, 2010 |
The world knows plenty about Aung San Suu Kyi and what she represents. But it knows almost nothing about the generals beyond their international pariah status.
Self-styled Burma experts attest to this general ignorance of the essence of military rule and the psyche of those in power in Naypyidaw.
In private policy circles and public forums, many of these tea-leaf-readers continue to discuss a myriad of the country’s problems, still without putting their finger on the single most fundamental issue which most broadly accounts for the people’s daily misery and country’s bleak future.
Is it “bad governance?” Is it Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s callous leadership with its characteristic total disregard for public welfare? Is it the military’s persecution of ethnic nationalities (or minorities)? Is it widespread human rights violations? Is it the war crimes, which the Tatmataw, Burma's armed forces, are allegedly committing, especially in ethnic conflict zones? Or is it the country’s kleptocratic, repressive, and pathological state? Is it the predatory neighbors?
Of course, one would be tempted to tick the box “all of the above” and argue that specific problems – the regime’s failure, for example, to provide public services in health, education and social security or to set up an adequate and functioning system of agricultural credits for the country’s farmers, who make up the bulk of the population—need to be addressed, while waiting for the revolution to deliver.
However, Burma’s fundamental problem is not just about leadership, policy failure, dysfunctional institutions, rights abuses or fractured opposition movements.
Categorically speaking, Burma is confronted with nothing less than a full-scale pathological process of internal colonization, this time by its own military. This is an evolutionary process which was set in motion within the past 50 years, at least since the coup of 1962 decisively established one-party military rule, where the military and the State became coterminous or two-sides of a coin.
Indeed, Burma’s problems can best be understood as those of a colonial order.
Sixty-two years after independence from Britain, Burma has evolved into a dual-colony in which the population of more than 50 million citizens is being herded into a political space via the Orwellian “7-steps road map for democracy.” The ruling military clique backed by its 400,000-strong military will continue to make all decisions with massive societal and ecological consequences for the whole population; only this time their decisions are going to be made to sound constitutionally mandated, and in accord with the laws of the land.
Further, this small group of men subscribe to an irredeemably myopic and toxic version of ethno-nationalism which refashions Burma along the old feudal lines where the majority “Burmese and Buddhists,” as defined by these men in generals’ uniform, will be more equal in their Union of Republic of Myanmar.
Needless to say, the generals will pay lip service to ethnic unity and create nominal space for the ethnic people while pursuing “divide and rule” as the overarching strategy.
Substantial numbers of electoral seats won by the Shan and Arakanese parties which some analysts have hailed as “symbolic victories” look rather fishy in light of the looming “counterinsurgency” operations against the Karen, the Kachin, the Karenni and others.
It is worth stressing that the ruling generals have rejected the federal spirit of ethnic equality and violently opposed any struggle towards a genuine federated Union. They have declared dead the Panglong Agreement of 1947, the founding document of a modern, post-colonial Burma, wherein ethnic equality was enshrined as an inviolable pillar of multi-ethnic Burma.
In Burma’s new colonial rule under its own military, anything and anyone that doesn’t bend to the generals’ will is to be controlled, subjugated or crushed.
Suu Kyi and ethnic minority leaders, whether armed or not, are heading on an inevitable collision course with Burma’s military junta. For they have made repeated calls for national and ethnic reconciliation as well as genuine public expressions of inter-ethnic solidarity,
The last thing any colonial power would want and would tolerate is social and ethnic solidarity across communities, regions and classes.
For those who have viewed the emerging parliamentary and formal political processes as the only space in which the people’s voices can be heard, policies debated and public welfare advanced, it is time for a serious rethinking and soul-searching. In a polity where those in power in effect accept nothing but total surrender, where politics are regarded as an extension of war and everything is viewed through Zero-Sum lens, choosing sides becomes necessary.
There are no shades of gray in any colonial phenomenon. Battle lines are clearly drawn. The colonized are to be exploited, crushed, subjugated or co-opted.
The generals, of course, don’t see themselves as “native colonialists.” They feel no need for reconciliation along ethnic or political lines with any person, organization or community. In short, they have done nothing wrong, and they can do no wrong. For they perceive themselves as the country’s sole national guardian, untainted by partisan politics.
They are committed to the abstract idea of a multi-ethnic nation while trampling on the very idea in reality. And they embrace an absolutist notion of sovereignty where the military, not the people in whose name it exists, is sovereign. They love the country, but they can’t stand the people, especially the kind who refuse to go along with their design for the rest of the country. Political, defiant ethnic communities and 2,100 political prisoners spring to mind.
Their politics is all about resuming and completing the process of re-consolidation of the power of the ethnic Burmese majority, most specifically the soldiering class, over the rest of the ethnic minorities –a process only interrupted by the old kingdom’s 19th century defeat by Great Britain. Sixty years after independence, the military has built its own version of local colonial rule serving as the constitutionally-mandated ruling class and where the rest of the civilian society, ethnic majority and minorities alike, are second class citizens.
Twenty years ago, when the generals launched a ceasefire strategy with nearly 20 disparate ethnic armed resistance organizations, they weren’t acting out of genuine desire for reconciliation, but following a strategy to preempt the inter-ethnic solidarity between the Suu Kyi-led majority and rebellious minorities. Now that some of the most crucial ceasefires are likely to unravel, the highest strategic priority of the regime has become preventing inter-ethnic unity.
Throughout modern history, no colonialism is ever known to have offered the colonized political processes or institutions which would undo, or even undermine, such broad colonial objectives as economic exploitation of land, labor and natural resource, political domination and subjugation of populations under colonial rule, and control over the cultural and intellectual life of colonies.
Whether one has in mind the formal and classical version, which dissolved, thanks in no small part to colonialists slaughtering one another during the two 20th century world wars, or the subsequent and newer versions characteristic of the Cold War, the essence, objectives and nature of colonial rules remain virtually the same.
Words such as political, ethnic and international solidarity have been used too often and too lightly.
Humanitarian assistance, developmental aid, foreign direct investment, increased trade or commerce may be needed in any systemic efforts to rebuild poverty-stricken Third World nations emerging from decades of war and conflicts. But they are no substitute for forging an inter-ethnic and class solidarity, on which an inter-generational political resistance, armed and non-violent, depending on one’s own location, needs to be built.
The fact is the colonial state in the Union of the Republic of Myanmar stands in between public welfare and international assistance and increased foreign direct investment, which has been in the billions thanks to Burma’s economically predatory regional friends such as China, Thailand, India, Malaysia, South Korea and Singapore.
Precisely because this ethno-nationalist bond between the Burmese junta and the majority Buddhist Burmese has been irreparably broken down, the recent call by Suu Kyi and minority leaders for reconciliation and inter-ethnic solidarity against oppression poses the greatest threat to the ruling junta.
While Burma’s issues are complex, as far as the regime’s strategy is concerned it is a simple, time-tested “divide-and-rule.” The only way the opposition movements in particular and multi-ethnic communities in general can defeat these native colonizers is through inter-ethnic—and inter-class—solidarity.
It’s high time the international community, as well as ordinary citizens of Burma, address this strategic need and respond to the calls from Suu Kyi and the leaders of ethnic nationalities.
Dr Zarni is research fellow on Burma at the London School of Economics and Political Economics.
Sunday, November 14, 2010
Red Guards Say Sorry
November 11, 2010
But China's Communist Party still honors Cultural Revolution instigator Mao Zedong.
AFP
A group of young Chinese Red Guards march in Beijing, August, 1966.
HONG KONG—A group of former "Red Guards," Mao Zedong's army of students who denounced and persecuted teachers, doctors, and other authority figures in the name of revolution, have made a rare public apology to their former teachers.
Now in their sixties, former Red Guards Shen Xiaoke, Hu Bin, and Guo Canhui apologized publicly to former teachers whom they beat and spit on during the political chaos of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), according to an article in the Guangzhou-based Southern Weekend newspaper.
They apologized for mistreating former Beijing Foreign Language Institute teacher Cheng Bi, 86, retired middle-school teacher Guan Qiulan, 81, and Li Huangguo, a retired teacher from the Beijing Mineral Industry Auxiliary Middle School, 79.
China has yet to authorize any national event in memory of this period in the nation’s history, and many still bear privately the scars of a time when neighbors, colleagues, and families denounced, attacked, and even killed one another in a frenzy of mass political "struggle."
U.S.-based author Zheng Yi, who was in the middle of his studies at Beijing's prestigious Qinghua University during the Cultural Revolution, said that while the apologies come late, they are still meaningful.
"Right from the time that the Cultural Revolution ended, we should have seen such acts," Zheng said. "It has taken until today, and the people doing the apologizing are all in their sixties."
"Of course a late apology is better than no apology," he said.
U.S.-based editor Hu Ping said he was at high school in the southwestern city of Chengdu during the 1960s.
"Of course it's late," Hu said. "A lot of the victims have already died."
"They should have been apologizing much earlier for the wrongs that they did to them."
"Nonetheless, we should recognize this apology as sincere, and we should still encourage it," he said.
Numbers unconfirmed
The Cultural Revolution has been officially labeled a "mistake of Mao Zedong and the Gang of Four, who launched the initial 1966 campaign against "capitalist roader" officials.
In the ensuing mayhem, qualified professionals like teachers and doctors were locked up in “cow pens,” while schools and universities were closed and health services fell into disarray under the supervision of "revolutionaries."
While the true number of casualties remains unconfirmed to this day, Southern Weekend quoted official statistics as saying that 1,772 people died nationwide in the violence, which was encouraged by then supreme leader Mao Zedong, the "Red Sun" of the era.
Recent research in the southern city of Shantou alone has shown that 100,000 people were accused as criminals, more than 4,500 were injured or disabled, and some 400 people died.
Chen, Hu and Guo had taken part in more violent "struggle sessions" than those involving the teachers named, the paper said, hinting at other victims who had died.
It said the students had written to their former victims to beg their forgiveness.
'A good start'
Retired teacher Cheng Bi replied in a letter: "You have made a good start," the paper said.
"This case was not an isolated one, even though public apologies are still rare before the entire historical truth is made known," the article said.
The article said the letters sprang from shelved plans to hold a moment of silence for the victims of the Cultural Revolution during a 50th anniversary celebration at the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute.
Instead, the master of ceremonies merely expressed regret that principal Mo Ping, who died in 1968 after suffering severe beatings at the hands of Red Guards, "and others," could not attend the celebration.
Zheng said that none of the former Red Guards featured in the report were leading figures in the movement, which was unleashed by Mao Zedong as a way of gaining ascendancy once and for all over his political opponents.
He said many of the leaders of the Red Guards were the sons and daughters of high-ranking cadres close to Mao Zedong, and that many of the teachers "struggled" by their students in Beijing were beaten to death.
"These people [who apologized] all followed other people's lead and joined in," Zheng said.
Mao still honored
And he said that none of the apologies would make any difference to the ruling Communist Party while it still espoused the political ideology of "Mao Zedong Thought."
Communist Party leaders in Beijing still permit no national memorial to the Cultural Revolution, although officials in Guangdong's Shantou city built a museum in 2006, honoring those who died in the southern province.
The museum, which is privately financed and advertises only discreetly on the Internet, sits at the top of Tashan, a mountain where many of the Cultural Revolution dead from the nearby city of Shantou were buried.
Zheng said the leaders of the most violent attacks of the period have remained mute so far.
"We haven't heard an apology from a single one of the key assassins, the ones who went around beating people to death, or those who incited such acts of violence and bloodshed: the instigators and leaders," he said.
"Individual apologies by Red Guards aren't going to change the fact that the Chinese Communist Party still daren't face up to history," Zheng said.
Reported by Shi Shan for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.
But China's Communist Party still honors Cultural Revolution instigator Mao Zedong.
AFP
A group of young Chinese Red Guards march in Beijing, August, 1966.
HONG KONG—A group of former "Red Guards," Mao Zedong's army of students who denounced and persecuted teachers, doctors, and other authority figures in the name of revolution, have made a rare public apology to their former teachers.
Now in their sixties, former Red Guards Shen Xiaoke, Hu Bin, and Guo Canhui apologized publicly to former teachers whom they beat and spit on during the political chaos of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), according to an article in the Guangzhou-based Southern Weekend newspaper.
They apologized for mistreating former Beijing Foreign Language Institute teacher Cheng Bi, 86, retired middle-school teacher Guan Qiulan, 81, and Li Huangguo, a retired teacher from the Beijing Mineral Industry Auxiliary Middle School, 79.
China has yet to authorize any national event in memory of this period in the nation’s history, and many still bear privately the scars of a time when neighbors, colleagues, and families denounced, attacked, and even killed one another in a frenzy of mass political "struggle."
U.S.-based author Zheng Yi, who was in the middle of his studies at Beijing's prestigious Qinghua University during the Cultural Revolution, said that while the apologies come late, they are still meaningful.
"Right from the time that the Cultural Revolution ended, we should have seen such acts," Zheng said. "It has taken until today, and the people doing the apologizing are all in their sixties."
"Of course a late apology is better than no apology," he said.
U.S.-based editor Hu Ping said he was at high school in the southwestern city of Chengdu during the 1960s.
"Of course it's late," Hu said. "A lot of the victims have already died."
"They should have been apologizing much earlier for the wrongs that they did to them."
"Nonetheless, we should recognize this apology as sincere, and we should still encourage it," he said.
Numbers unconfirmed
The Cultural Revolution has been officially labeled a "mistake of Mao Zedong and the Gang of Four, who launched the initial 1966 campaign against "capitalist roader" officials.
In the ensuing mayhem, qualified professionals like teachers and doctors were locked up in “cow pens,” while schools and universities were closed and health services fell into disarray under the supervision of "revolutionaries."
While the true number of casualties remains unconfirmed to this day, Southern Weekend quoted official statistics as saying that 1,772 people died nationwide in the violence, which was encouraged by then supreme leader Mao Zedong, the "Red Sun" of the era.
Recent research in the southern city of Shantou alone has shown that 100,000 people were accused as criminals, more than 4,500 were injured or disabled, and some 400 people died.
Chen, Hu and Guo had taken part in more violent "struggle sessions" than those involving the teachers named, the paper said, hinting at other victims who had died.
It said the students had written to their former victims to beg their forgiveness.
'A good start'
Retired teacher Cheng Bi replied in a letter: "You have made a good start," the paper said.
"This case was not an isolated one, even though public apologies are still rare before the entire historical truth is made known," the article said.
The article said the letters sprang from shelved plans to hold a moment of silence for the victims of the Cultural Revolution during a 50th anniversary celebration at the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute.
Instead, the master of ceremonies merely expressed regret that principal Mo Ping, who died in 1968 after suffering severe beatings at the hands of Red Guards, "and others," could not attend the celebration.
Zheng said that none of the former Red Guards featured in the report were leading figures in the movement, which was unleashed by Mao Zedong as a way of gaining ascendancy once and for all over his political opponents.
He said many of the leaders of the Red Guards were the sons and daughters of high-ranking cadres close to Mao Zedong, and that many of the teachers "struggled" by their students in Beijing were beaten to death.
"These people [who apologized] all followed other people's lead and joined in," Zheng said.
Mao still honored
And he said that none of the apologies would make any difference to the ruling Communist Party while it still espoused the political ideology of "Mao Zedong Thought."
Communist Party leaders in Beijing still permit no national memorial to the Cultural Revolution, although officials in Guangdong's Shantou city built a museum in 2006, honoring those who died in the southern province.
The museum, which is privately financed and advertises only discreetly on the Internet, sits at the top of Tashan, a mountain where many of the Cultural Revolution dead from the nearby city of Shantou were buried.
Zheng said the leaders of the most violent attacks of the period have remained mute so far.
"We haven't heard an apology from a single one of the key assassins, the ones who went around beating people to death, or those who incited such acts of violence and bloodshed: the instigators and leaders," he said.
"Individual apologies by Red Guards aren't going to change the fact that the Chinese Communist Party still daren't face up to history," Zheng said.
Reported by Shi Shan for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Sunday, August 15, 2010
WUNPAWNG AMYU SHA NI A MUNG MASA SHAWNGLAM BAWNGBAN HPAJI JAW HPAWNG GALAW
Knet; 2010 ning August 15 ya.
Wunpawng Mungdan Shanglawt Hpung (K.I.O) woi awn let Wunpawng Amyu Sha ni a Mung Masa shawnglam bawngban hpaji jaw hpawng hpe 2010 ning August shata 14 ya shani kawn Laiza Muklum, Ninggawn Daju Hpyen Dap hta galaw nga ai lam chye lu ai.
Ndai bawngban hpaji jaw hpawng galaw ai a yaw shada lam gaw Wunpawng Amyu Sha ni a shawnglam hte seng nna matut galaw sa wa na magam bungli ni a ntsa hta hpaji jaw ya lu na matu rai nga ai.
Zuphpawng hta K.I.O Ginjaw Salang ni hte saw shaga da ai Mare Buga shara shagu de na Mung Shawa gawng malai myit su Du Salang ni, Hpung woi Sara Kaba ni hkrum zup bawngban ai rai nna, zuphpawng hpe August 14 ya shani kawn 16 ya shani du hkra galaw sa wa na re hpe chye lu ai.
Zuphpawng hta hpaji jaw mat wa ai lam ni hpe K.I.O Ginjaw Komiti kaw nna bai myit yu na re lam, August shata htum wa maga de K.I.O Hpung shang masha ni a Party Congress hta bawngban jahkrup mat wa na re lam hpe chye lu ai.
Sunday, July 25, 2010
MUNG MASA HKRANG MASING GALAI AI LAM
MUNG-MASA HKRANG-MASING GALAI AI LAM
(athwin-ku:-pyaung: ye:{အသြင္ကးူေျပာင္းေ၇း}/political system change)
Ka lajang ai: N krip ai Wan-kang
I. Hkrang-masing galai ai lam – lachyum hpa rai ta
1. Mungmasa galaw ai hkrang masing A hpe B shabyin dat ai lam.
2. A hpe B galai shabyin nna yaw shada ai lam awng dang shangun ai lam.
Daini Wunpawng Jinghpaw ni a man e dawdan ra ai lam hta ndai ni hpe mu na ga ai.
Langai, amyu-masa (amyu grin nga lu na matu ra mara ahkaw ahkang lu la na masa lam) hte mung-masa lam hpe n mai ginhka ai lam. Ndai lam lahkawng hpe gumhpawn gayawp nna galaw nga ga ai re lam.
Lahkawng, WP ni a mung-masa wuhpung gaw, KIO-KIA langai sha re ai lam. Dai re majaw, hkrang-masing galai ai ngu yang KIO-KIA a hkrang masing lam rai nga ai lam.
Masum, Myen hpyen atsuya SPDC gaw, KIO-KIA a hkrang masing hpe BGF (Border Guard Force) byin hkra galai mayu ma ai lam.
Mali, WP amyu-sha ni a ra sharawng ai lam gaw, KIO-KIA a hkrang masing hpe tinang amyu a nga-sat nga-sa lam ahkaw ahkang hpe lu ging ai made daram (Panglung Myithkrum Ga-shaka, 1947 the maren) lu la na lam maga de mahtang KIO-KIA a hkrang-masing hpe galai mayu ai lam.
Ningrai nna myit mada mahkyen lam ni dam lada sung ai hku shai hkat nga ai.
II. Hkrang-masing galai lam a man-shingdu malawm magawm ni
Ndai lam ni hpe bai kahtap myit yu ra na rai ga ai.
Langai, SPDC gaw, KIO-KIA hpe hkrang masing galai dat ai majaw tinang hpyen atsuya a uphkang masa a shangwang kata e, BGF hku nna shang lawm na lam hpe ra nga ai. KIO-KIA gaw, Myen hpyen du ni a npu e hpaw tawn ai wuhpung byin wa na hku hkrang masing galai ya mayu nga ai.
Lahkawng, ndai hku KIO-KIA hpe BGF shabyin la ai hkrang masing galai ai lam hpe April shata, 2010 hta, n byin mai ai, WP ni Panglung ahkaw ahkang hpe n tat lu ai, ngu ai kaw du mat nna tawn kau ra mat wa sai.
Dai ni, KIO-KIA hpe WP wuhpung hku matut nga nga tim, BGF ngu masat tawn ai hkrang masing hpe lang mat wa na hku bai sawn yu wa nga ma ai zawn rai wa sai.
SPDC hpyen jaubu ni hte mazum nna ga-hkrum myit hkrum ai KIO-KIA Du Kaba ni pru wa hkra shakut nga ai zawn zawn, mung rai wa nga ai kun?
Masum, BGF a mahkyen gaw, WP amyu sha ni ahkaw ahkang hkam la lu na masing hpe tsep kawp shaw tsan kau na masing re majaw, hkrang masing galai ai lam hta, KIO-KIA gaw, SPDC a mahkyen hte nhtan shai ai hku, shanhte katsi yang anhte kahtet ai hku sha, hkrang masing mai galai na rai nga ai lam dan leng wa sai re.
III. Hkrang-masing galai lam – WP ni a hkrang masing mahkyen lam
Ya ndai lam ni hpe bai myit yu ga.
Langai, WP ni a matu amyu-masa lam hte mung-masa lam gaw langai sha re majaw, KIO-KIA hte seng nna hkrang masing galai na lam gaw, amyu a lam, amyu hku dawdan ra ai lam, rai nga ai. KIO-KIA wuhpung kata e dawdan mai ai lam n rai nga ai.
Lahkawng, WP amyu-masa gaw ahkaw ahkang hkum hkum tsup tsup lu la na lam rai nga ai; kaga lam tsep kawp n lawm nga ai.
Masum, ahkaw ahkang hkum hkum tsup lu la na lam hpe madung n shatai ai hkrang-masing galai na lam hpe gara hku mung n mai hkap la ai lam hkrak sha mu lu ai lam.
Mali, rawt malan KIO-KIA hpung hta, tinang wuhpung hpe sha yu yu nna, amyu-masa hpe n yu shalawm ai hku dawdan chye ai lailen nga lai wa sai rai yang, dai ni dai lailen hpe n galai kau n mai rai sai.
Manga, WP shawa a ntsa e mung, KIO-KIA hpe wuhpung hkrang-masing galai na lam hpe shinggan de nna shadut ai ni nga nga sai re majaw, tinang amyu shawa a nsen gaw, “N mai byin ai, n byin lu ai” ngu ra sai.
Kru, KIO-KIA hpe amyu-masa galaw ai wuhpung hku nna WP shawa hkap la sharawt tawn ai teng yang, dai wuhpung hpe ra mara lam hta madi shadaw na lit hpe amyu-shawa gaw, rap larau dagraw la ra ai lam nga nga ai.
KIO-KIA hpe amyu-masa hkrang masing hpe manat tawn shangun na rai yang, KIO-KIA gaw WP amyu yawng a lagaw lata hkum daw hkum chyen rai ra nga ai.
Sanit, WP shawa KIO-KIA hpe tinang amyu a hkum hkrang n-gun atsam hku n sharawt shagrin la yang, KIO-KIA gaw WP amyu-masa a hkrang masing a shanggan e rai ang mat wa na re law.
IV. Dai ni na manghkang
Ndai lam ni hpe mung myit yu ra ai.
Langai, KIO-KIA mung-masa galaw ai ladat gaw, gap-hkat jahkring ai aten, 1994, nna, bawngban jahkrup ai masa hpe sha hkan shachyut nga ai. Shingdu e masa n ginsup nga ai. Lam madung langai hpe sha hkan nang sa wa nga ai.
Lahkawng, dai ni SPDC a dawhkrawng Kokang hpyen hpung hpe, Miwa ni garum ai the, Jinghpaw Mungdaw, shawng na NDA-K ginra de htawt bang tawn masai.
Anhte the bawngban jahkrup nga ai “hpyen” ni gaw, anhte shingdu e masa n hkring n sa ginsup nga ai.
Masum, anhte a mung-masa ningbaw ningla ni gaw, wora maga na ni a myiman hpe sha yu ai, dai hpe sha mu ai, shingdu e byin wa ai hpe n shingdang lu mat wa sai. Hukawng lahta de ya lawu ga de nna masha 100,000 bai bu htawn bang la na re da. Ndai hku nna 2010 ra-lata dang hkra mahkyen galaw nga ma ai. Anhte a daidaw buga n rai ni?
Mali, htingbu mungdan Miwa Mung, India Mungdan ni dai ni anhte hpe yu kaji mat wa sai. Sinna democracy mungdan kaba ni anhte shamu shamawt na kade wa alat yu tim, anhte a hpa-awn ningshawng ni gaw, “hpyen” ni a myiman hpe sha mada azi taw nga ai zawn n re ni?
Anhte a amyu masa lam hta hkrang masing galai mat wa sahka, ngu ra na kun?
Aten ma mat wa nga sai, Wunpawng Jinghpaw Amyu Sha yawng dum hprang saka, nsen kaba, n-gun kaba hte rawt sa wa saka.
Ka lajang ai: N krip ai wan kang, OKA Nsen
(athwin-ku:-pyaung: ye:{အသြင္ကးူေျပာင္းေ၇း}/political system change)
Ka lajang ai: N krip ai Wan-kang
I. Hkrang-masing galai ai lam – lachyum hpa rai ta
1. Mungmasa galaw ai hkrang masing A hpe B shabyin dat ai lam.
2. A hpe B galai shabyin nna yaw shada ai lam awng dang shangun ai lam.
Daini Wunpawng Jinghpaw ni a man e dawdan ra ai lam hta ndai ni hpe mu na ga ai.
Langai, amyu-masa (amyu grin nga lu na matu ra mara ahkaw ahkang lu la na masa lam) hte mung-masa lam hpe n mai ginhka ai lam. Ndai lam lahkawng hpe gumhpawn gayawp nna galaw nga ga ai re lam.
Lahkawng, WP ni a mung-masa wuhpung gaw, KIO-KIA langai sha re ai lam. Dai re majaw, hkrang-masing galai ai ngu yang KIO-KIA a hkrang masing lam rai nga ai lam.
Masum, Myen hpyen atsuya SPDC gaw, KIO-KIA a hkrang masing hpe BGF (Border Guard Force) byin hkra galai mayu ma ai lam.
Mali, WP amyu-sha ni a ra sharawng ai lam gaw, KIO-KIA a hkrang masing hpe tinang amyu a nga-sat nga-sa lam ahkaw ahkang hpe lu ging ai made daram (Panglung Myithkrum Ga-shaka, 1947 the maren) lu la na lam maga de mahtang KIO-KIA a hkrang-masing hpe galai mayu ai lam.
Ningrai nna myit mada mahkyen lam ni dam lada sung ai hku shai hkat nga ai.
II. Hkrang-masing galai lam a man-shingdu malawm magawm ni
Ndai lam ni hpe bai kahtap myit yu ra na rai ga ai.
Langai, SPDC gaw, KIO-KIA hpe hkrang masing galai dat ai majaw tinang hpyen atsuya a uphkang masa a shangwang kata e, BGF hku nna shang lawm na lam hpe ra nga ai. KIO-KIA gaw, Myen hpyen du ni a npu e hpaw tawn ai wuhpung byin wa na hku hkrang masing galai ya mayu nga ai.
Lahkawng, ndai hku KIO-KIA hpe BGF shabyin la ai hkrang masing galai ai lam hpe April shata, 2010 hta, n byin mai ai, WP ni Panglung ahkaw ahkang hpe n tat lu ai, ngu ai kaw du mat nna tawn kau ra mat wa sai.
Dai ni, KIO-KIA hpe WP wuhpung hku matut nga nga tim, BGF ngu masat tawn ai hkrang masing hpe lang mat wa na hku bai sawn yu wa nga ma ai zawn rai wa sai.
SPDC hpyen jaubu ni hte mazum nna ga-hkrum myit hkrum ai KIO-KIA Du Kaba ni pru wa hkra shakut nga ai zawn zawn, mung rai wa nga ai kun?
Masum, BGF a mahkyen gaw, WP amyu sha ni ahkaw ahkang hkam la lu na masing hpe tsep kawp shaw tsan kau na masing re majaw, hkrang masing galai ai lam hta, KIO-KIA gaw, SPDC a mahkyen hte nhtan shai ai hku, shanhte katsi yang anhte kahtet ai hku sha, hkrang masing mai galai na rai nga ai lam dan leng wa sai re.
III. Hkrang-masing galai lam – WP ni a hkrang masing mahkyen lam
Ya ndai lam ni hpe bai myit yu ga.
Langai, WP ni a matu amyu-masa lam hte mung-masa lam gaw langai sha re majaw, KIO-KIA hte seng nna hkrang masing galai na lam gaw, amyu a lam, amyu hku dawdan ra ai lam, rai nga ai. KIO-KIA wuhpung kata e dawdan mai ai lam n rai nga ai.
Lahkawng, WP amyu-masa gaw ahkaw ahkang hkum hkum tsup tsup lu la na lam rai nga ai; kaga lam tsep kawp n lawm nga ai.
Masum, ahkaw ahkang hkum hkum tsup lu la na lam hpe madung n shatai ai hkrang-masing galai na lam hpe gara hku mung n mai hkap la ai lam hkrak sha mu lu ai lam.
Mali, rawt malan KIO-KIA hpung hta, tinang wuhpung hpe sha yu yu nna, amyu-masa hpe n yu shalawm ai hku dawdan chye ai lailen nga lai wa sai rai yang, dai ni dai lailen hpe n galai kau n mai rai sai.
Manga, WP shawa a ntsa e mung, KIO-KIA hpe wuhpung hkrang-masing galai na lam hpe shinggan de nna shadut ai ni nga nga sai re majaw, tinang amyu shawa a nsen gaw, “N mai byin ai, n byin lu ai” ngu ra sai.
Kru, KIO-KIA hpe amyu-masa galaw ai wuhpung hku nna WP shawa hkap la sharawt tawn ai teng yang, dai wuhpung hpe ra mara lam hta madi shadaw na lit hpe amyu-shawa gaw, rap larau dagraw la ra ai lam nga nga ai.
KIO-KIA hpe amyu-masa hkrang masing hpe manat tawn shangun na rai yang, KIO-KIA gaw WP amyu yawng a lagaw lata hkum daw hkum chyen rai ra nga ai.
Sanit, WP shawa KIO-KIA hpe tinang amyu a hkum hkrang n-gun atsam hku n sharawt shagrin la yang, KIO-KIA gaw WP amyu-masa a hkrang masing a shanggan e rai ang mat wa na re law.
IV. Dai ni na manghkang
Ndai lam ni hpe mung myit yu ra ai.
Langai, KIO-KIA mung-masa galaw ai ladat gaw, gap-hkat jahkring ai aten, 1994, nna, bawngban jahkrup ai masa hpe sha hkan shachyut nga ai. Shingdu e masa n ginsup nga ai. Lam madung langai hpe sha hkan nang sa wa nga ai.
Lahkawng, dai ni SPDC a dawhkrawng Kokang hpyen hpung hpe, Miwa ni garum ai the, Jinghpaw Mungdaw, shawng na NDA-K ginra de htawt bang tawn masai.
Anhte the bawngban jahkrup nga ai “hpyen” ni gaw, anhte shingdu e masa n hkring n sa ginsup nga ai.
Masum, anhte a mung-masa ningbaw ningla ni gaw, wora maga na ni a myiman hpe sha yu ai, dai hpe sha mu ai, shingdu e byin wa ai hpe n shingdang lu mat wa sai. Hukawng lahta de ya lawu ga de nna masha 100,000 bai bu htawn bang la na re da. Ndai hku nna 2010 ra-lata dang hkra mahkyen galaw nga ma ai. Anhte a daidaw buga n rai ni?
Mali, htingbu mungdan Miwa Mung, India Mungdan ni dai ni anhte hpe yu kaji mat wa sai. Sinna democracy mungdan kaba ni anhte shamu shamawt na kade wa alat yu tim, anhte a hpa-awn ningshawng ni gaw, “hpyen” ni a myiman hpe sha mada azi taw nga ai zawn n re ni?
Anhte a amyu masa lam hta hkrang masing galai mat wa sahka, ngu ra na kun?
Aten ma mat wa nga sai, Wunpawng Jinghpaw Amyu Sha yawng dum hprang saka, nsen kaba, n-gun kaba hte rawt sa wa saka.
Ka lajang ai: N krip ai wan kang, OKA Nsen
Thursday, April 29, 2010
CHANGING WINDS IN KACHINLAND
Pondering the BGF issue's imminent death
J. M. “Martin” Edmunds
Special to OKA News
It's February 2010, near Laiza, Kachin State – “The Border Guard Force issue will die very soon, the way I see it. The Burman junta will change strategy then, and I hope you KIA fellows can roll with the punches and keep up the opposition” said a civilian Kachin elder who's frequently consulted because he's always been trusted. As he intones, two uniformed men and two other civilians plus myself, sit with him, and listen intently, noting each word. The two in uniform are the top leaders of the KIA. The other civilians are respected leaders in their communities. To this observer a number of things are highly unusual, and overall, this meeting reflects the nature of the Kachin opposition to the SPDC today in a number of ways. I would like to share some of these with you.
These gentlemen are pondering politics beyond the BGF detente between the SPDC generals and the KIO.
A second civilian leader next speaks. “All these months while the BGF issue is being discussed on the surface, the junta is really studying why the Kachin civilians and the KIO, I really mean the KIA, have such strong unity, they are trying to find a vulnerable point that they can attack. This is what we have to worry about more than anything. The BGF talk is just a ploy for now.”
Another chimes in, “Plus, how many deadlines can you give and keep a straight face? This BGF requirement started last year about this time.”
The first civilian leader adds “Our dilemma as I see it, will be that they will say let's keep the ceasefire agreement, and then attack our unity as a people. We must always understand that they fear the civilian population far more than the military. If their soldiers attacked our civilians, the international media will be all over them, that's why. Right now they are trying to think up strategies to destroy our unity within the ceasefire framework. They have always worked on the divide and rule premises.”
At this juncture the senior KIA man says “Look at page 14 of the document that was circulated to everyone. It says here that the junta fears civilian power the most, and for this reason, the junta will seek to control the Burmans first and foremost because they have the largest civilian population that does not want to accept the junta's plans for this country.”
The third civilian leader adds, “ We need to remember that under the ceasefire the junta army can still intimidate our civilian population, but the KIA cannot. We do not treat our fellow Kachins in the manner that the junta army treats the Burman civilians and all others. So Kachins will be at a tremendous disadvantage in the post-BGF game. It is clear that our KIA must pursue a very proactive and energetic relationship with our own people. We must constantly reassure and reaffirm our unity.”
The second KIA officer now says, “This will be the right thing to do, going to the people. We are supposed to be opposing a military regime for the purpose of rebuilding a democratic system. We must go to our people because that's the right way.”
Everyone nods in agreement.
It is clear that these Kachins are already looking beyond the BGF detente, late in February, 2010; it is also clear that looking beyond together are civilian leaders (4) and KIA men (2), neither of whom is among the usually familiar KIO leaders.
Now, late April --Advance now to the end of April, and the course of BGF has indeed ended, by decision of the junta, that it is hopeless. The barrier presented by the KIO has been that Kachin people do not want to accept it. What the Kachin people want is in the Panglong Agreement, 1947, and Constitution which founded the Union of Burma in 1948.
The imperial SPDC's new clothes
The big news today sees junta generals resigning from the military to form political organizations. In Kachin State the junta generals have invited those members of the KIO senior leadership who have been soft on the BGF debate; they are being invited to form a political party with them. In lower Burma some twenty generals have similarly resigned to enter political participation as civilians!
What is not changing
All the generals who are resigning to enter politics hold positions related to civil administration; they do not command troops. The commanding generals of the directional commands (or taing:hmu rank) are not taking this step.
It is clear, as the Kachin leaders already realized, that this is driven by the fear of civilian polity, and it is intended to dilute Kachin and other ethnic groups' political feelings and dissuade us all from a potential eruption, as in 1988 and 1990. In Kachin State it is so clear that their new target at the moment is the political unity of Kachins. Remember, that the junta is well practiced in the strategy of divide and rule...
J. Martin Edmunds is a contributor to OKA News, the official eNews of Overseas Kachin Association
J. M. “Martin” Edmunds
Special to OKA News
It's February 2010, near Laiza, Kachin State – “The Border Guard Force issue will die very soon, the way I see it. The Burman junta will change strategy then, and I hope you KIA fellows can roll with the punches and keep up the opposition” said a civilian Kachin elder who's frequently consulted because he's always been trusted. As he intones, two uniformed men and two other civilians plus myself, sit with him, and listen intently, noting each word. The two in uniform are the top leaders of the KIA. The other civilians are respected leaders in their communities. To this observer a number of things are highly unusual, and overall, this meeting reflects the nature of the Kachin opposition to the SPDC today in a number of ways. I would like to share some of these with you.
These gentlemen are pondering politics beyond the BGF detente between the SPDC generals and the KIO.
A second civilian leader next speaks. “All these months while the BGF issue is being discussed on the surface, the junta is really studying why the Kachin civilians and the KIO, I really mean the KIA, have such strong unity, they are trying to find a vulnerable point that they can attack. This is what we have to worry about more than anything. The BGF talk is just a ploy for now.”
Another chimes in, “Plus, how many deadlines can you give and keep a straight face? This BGF requirement started last year about this time.”
The first civilian leader adds “Our dilemma as I see it, will be that they will say let's keep the ceasefire agreement, and then attack our unity as a people. We must always understand that they fear the civilian population far more than the military. If their soldiers attacked our civilians, the international media will be all over them, that's why. Right now they are trying to think up strategies to destroy our unity within the ceasefire framework. They have always worked on the divide and rule premises.”
At this juncture the senior KIA man says “Look at page 14 of the document that was circulated to everyone. It says here that the junta fears civilian power the most, and for this reason, the junta will seek to control the Burmans first and foremost because they have the largest civilian population that does not want to accept the junta's plans for this country.”
The third civilian leader adds, “ We need to remember that under the ceasefire the junta army can still intimidate our civilian population, but the KIA cannot. We do not treat our fellow Kachins in the manner that the junta army treats the Burman civilians and all others. So Kachins will be at a tremendous disadvantage in the post-BGF game. It is clear that our KIA must pursue a very proactive and energetic relationship with our own people. We must constantly reassure and reaffirm our unity.”
The second KIA officer now says, “This will be the right thing to do, going to the people. We are supposed to be opposing a military regime for the purpose of rebuilding a democratic system. We must go to our people because that's the right way.”
Everyone nods in agreement.
It is clear that these Kachins are already looking beyond the BGF detente, late in February, 2010; it is also clear that looking beyond together are civilian leaders (4) and KIA men (2), neither of whom is among the usually familiar KIO leaders.
Now, late April --Advance now to the end of April, and the course of BGF has indeed ended, by decision of the junta, that it is hopeless. The barrier presented by the KIO has been that Kachin people do not want to accept it. What the Kachin people want is in the Panglong Agreement, 1947, and Constitution which founded the Union of Burma in 1948.
The imperial SPDC's new clothes
The big news today sees junta generals resigning from the military to form political organizations. In Kachin State the junta generals have invited those members of the KIO senior leadership who have been soft on the BGF debate; they are being invited to form a political party with them. In lower Burma some twenty generals have similarly resigned to enter political participation as civilians!
What is not changing
All the generals who are resigning to enter politics hold positions related to civil administration; they do not command troops. The commanding generals of the directional commands (or taing:hmu rank) are not taking this step.
It is clear, as the Kachin leaders already realized, that this is driven by the fear of civilian polity, and it is intended to dilute Kachin and other ethnic groups' political feelings and dissuade us all from a potential eruption, as in 1988 and 1990. In Kachin State it is so clear that their new target at the moment is the political unity of Kachins. Remember, that the junta is well practiced in the strategy of divide and rule...
J. Martin Edmunds is a contributor to OKA News, the official eNews of Overseas Kachin Association
CHANGING WINDS IN KACHINLAND
Pondering the BGF issue's imminent death
J. M. “Martin” Edmunds
Special to OKA News
It's February 2010, near Laiza, Kachin State – “The Border Guard Force issue will die very soon, the way I see it. The Burman junta will change strategy then, and I hope you KIA fellows can roll with the punches and keep up the opposition” said a civilian Kachin elder who's frequently consulted because he's always been trusted. As he intones, two uniformed men and two other civilians plus myself, sit with him, and listen intently, noting each word. The two in uniform are the top leaders of the KIA. The other civilians are respected leaders in their communities. To this observer a number of things are highly unusual, and overall, this meeting reflects the nature of the Kachin opposition to the SPDC today in a number of ways. I would like to share some of these with you.
These gentlemen are pondering politics beyond the BGF detente between the SPDC generals and the KIO.
A second civilian leader next speaks. “All these months while the BGF issue is being discussed on the surface, the junta is really studying why the Kachin civilians and the KIO, I really mean the KIA, have such strong unity, they are trying to find a vulnerable point that they can attack. This is what we have to worry about more than anything. The BGF talk is just a ploy for now.”
Another chimes in, “Plus, how many deadlines can you give and keep a straight face? This BGF requirement started last year about this time.”
The first civilian leader adds “Our dilemma as I see it, will be that they will say let's keep the ceasefire agreement, and then attack our unity as a people. We must always understand that they fear the civilian population far more than the military. If their soldiers attacked our civilians, the international media will be all over them, that's why. Right now they are trying to think up strategies to destroy our unity within the ceasefire framework. They have always worked on the divide and rule premises.”
At this juncture the senior KIA man says “Look at page 14 of the document that was circulated to everyone. It says here that the junta fears civilian power the most, and for this reason, the junta will seek to control the Burmans first and foremost because they have the largest civilian population that does not want to accept the junta's plans for this country.”
The third civilian leader adds, “ We need to remember that under the ceasefire the junta army can still intimidate our civilian population, but the KIA cannot. We do not treat our fellow Kachins in the manner that the junta army treats the Burman civilians and all others. So Kachins will be at a tremendous disadvantage in the post-BGF game. It is clear that our KIA must pursue a very proactive and energetic relationship with our own people. We must constantly reassure and reaffirm our unity.”
The second KIA officer now says, “This will be the right thing to do, going to the people. We are supposed to be opposing a military regime for the purpose of rebuilding a democratic system. We must go to our people because that's the right way.”
Everyone nods in agreement.
It is clear that these Kachins are already looking beyond the BGF detente, late in February, 2010; it is also clear that looking beyond together are civilian leaders (4) and KIA men (2), neither of whom is among the usually familiar KIO leaders.
Now, late April --Advance now to the end of April, and the course of BGF has indeed ended, by decision of the junta, that it is hopeless. The barrier presented by the KIO has been that Kachin people do not want to accept it. What the Kachin people want is in the Panglong Agreement, 1947, and Constitution which founded the Union of Burma in 1948.
The imperial SPDC's new clothes
The big news today sees junta generals resigning from the military to form political organizations. In Kachin State the junta generals have invited those members of the KIO senior leadership who have been soft on the BGF debate; they are being invited to form a political party with them. In lower Burma some twenty generals have similarly resigned to enter political participation as civilians!
What is not changing
All the generals who are resigning to enter politics hold positions related to civil administration; they do not command troops. The commanding generals of the directional commands (or taing:hmu rank) are not taking this step.
It is clear, as the Kachin leaders already realized, that this is driven by the fear of civilian polity, and it is intended to dilute Kachin and other ethnic groups' political feelings and dissuade us all from a potential eruption, as in 1988 and 1990. In Kachin State it is so clear that their new target at the moment is the political unity of Kachins. Remember, that the junta is well practiced in the strategy of divide and rule...
J. Martin Edmunds is a contributor to OKA News, the official eNews of Overseas Kachin Association
J. M. “Martin” Edmunds
Special to OKA News
It's February 2010, near Laiza, Kachin State – “The Border Guard Force issue will die very soon, the way I see it. The Burman junta will change strategy then, and I hope you KIA fellows can roll with the punches and keep up the opposition” said a civilian Kachin elder who's frequently consulted because he's always been trusted. As he intones, two uniformed men and two other civilians plus myself, sit with him, and listen intently, noting each word. The two in uniform are the top leaders of the KIA. The other civilians are respected leaders in their communities. To this observer a number of things are highly unusual, and overall, this meeting reflects the nature of the Kachin opposition to the SPDC today in a number of ways. I would like to share some of these with you.
These gentlemen are pondering politics beyond the BGF detente between the SPDC generals and the KIO.
A second civilian leader next speaks. “All these months while the BGF issue is being discussed on the surface, the junta is really studying why the Kachin civilians and the KIO, I really mean the KIA, have such strong unity, they are trying to find a vulnerable point that they can attack. This is what we have to worry about more than anything. The BGF talk is just a ploy for now.”
Another chimes in, “Plus, how many deadlines can you give and keep a straight face? This BGF requirement started last year about this time.”
The first civilian leader adds “Our dilemma as I see it, will be that they will say let's keep the ceasefire agreement, and then attack our unity as a people. We must always understand that they fear the civilian population far more than the military. If their soldiers attacked our civilians, the international media will be all over them, that's why. Right now they are trying to think up strategies to destroy our unity within the ceasefire framework. They have always worked on the divide and rule premises.”
At this juncture the senior KIA man says “Look at page 14 of the document that was circulated to everyone. It says here that the junta fears civilian power the most, and for this reason, the junta will seek to control the Burmans first and foremost because they have the largest civilian population that does not want to accept the junta's plans for this country.”
The third civilian leader adds, “ We need to remember that under the ceasefire the junta army can still intimidate our civilian population, but the KIA cannot. We do not treat our fellow Kachins in the manner that the junta army treats the Burman civilians and all others. So Kachins will be at a tremendous disadvantage in the post-BGF game. It is clear that our KIA must pursue a very proactive and energetic relationship with our own people. We must constantly reassure and reaffirm our unity.”
The second KIA officer now says, “This will be the right thing to do, going to the people. We are supposed to be opposing a military regime for the purpose of rebuilding a democratic system. We must go to our people because that's the right way.”
Everyone nods in agreement.
It is clear that these Kachins are already looking beyond the BGF detente, late in February, 2010; it is also clear that looking beyond together are civilian leaders (4) and KIA men (2), neither of whom is among the usually familiar KIO leaders.
Now, late April --Advance now to the end of April, and the course of BGF has indeed ended, by decision of the junta, that it is hopeless. The barrier presented by the KIO has been that Kachin people do not want to accept it. What the Kachin people want is in the Panglong Agreement, 1947, and Constitution which founded the Union of Burma in 1948.
The imperial SPDC's new clothes
The big news today sees junta generals resigning from the military to form political organizations. In Kachin State the junta generals have invited those members of the KIO senior leadership who have been soft on the BGF debate; they are being invited to form a political party with them. In lower Burma some twenty generals have similarly resigned to enter political participation as civilians!
What is not changing
All the generals who are resigning to enter politics hold positions related to civil administration; they do not command troops. The commanding generals of the directional commands (or taing:hmu rank) are not taking this step.
It is clear, as the Kachin leaders already realized, that this is driven by the fear of civilian polity, and it is intended to dilute Kachin and other ethnic groups' political feelings and dissuade us all from a potential eruption, as in 1988 and 1990. In Kachin State it is so clear that their new target at the moment is the political unity of Kachins. Remember, that the junta is well practiced in the strategy of divide and rule...
J. Martin Edmunds is a contributor to OKA News, the official eNews of Overseas Kachin Association
Monday, February 22, 2010
Burma's Kachin army prepares for civil war
BBC News, Laiza / February 22, 2010
The sharp sound of loading and unloading weapons and the barked orders of the sergeant-major cut through the mountains of northern Burma as the young cadets are put through their morning drills.
Their discipline is good, their uniforms smart and there is little doubting their sense of purpose or patriotism towards the red and green flag with crossed machetes they proudly wear on their right shoulders.
They are the next generation of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and say they are not afraid to be the generation that fights in a civil war many fear may soon be upon them.
"The Union of Burma was formed on the basis of equality for ethnic people, but there has been inequality throughout history and we are still being suppressed," said cadet Dashi Zau Krang.
He is 26 and has a degree in business studies, but says inequality has stopped him getting a good job and driven him to join the military
But he is not afraid.
"The Burmese army may be the strongest in South East Asia, while we are very few, but God will help us to liberate our people to get freedom and equality. This is our responsibility," he said.
It is a war the Kachin people do not want and one they cannot win.
But their generals believe a 17-year ceasefire could soon end as a Burmese army deadline approaches, demanding the forces merge or disarm.
They have already refused, and although their leaders are still pushing for a political solution, their commanders are preparing for the worst when time runs out at the end of February.
"I can't say if there will be war for sure, but the government wants us to become a border guard force for them by the end of the month," said the KIA's Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Gam Shawng.
"We will not do that, or disarm, until they have given us a place in a federal union and ethnic rights as was agreed in 1947."
The KIA and its civilian organisation have been allowed to control a large swathe of northern Burma as part of a ceasefire agreement with the country's ruling generals.
Trade with China
They provide power, roads and schools funded by taxes on the brisk trade from China as well as the jade and gold mines and teak.
But now soldiers are being recruited, veterans are being recalled and retrained, and an ethnic army is preparing to fight perhaps the biggest military force in South East Asia.
On the car radio are freedom songs, and at one of the training camps a course in traditional dance is being run - cultural nationalism and propaganda is strong.
A BBC team travelled to an area in northern Burma controlled by the Kachin army and its civilian arm, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO).
We were taken to training camps and outposts, but could not walk into Laiza town to talk to people on the street for fear of being seen by an extensive network of Burmese or Chinese government informers and spies.
It made forming a balanced view very difficult, but the determination and planning of the military was clear.
High on a vantage point above their headquarters, trenches are being dug and tree trunks are being hauled and hewn into gun turrets piled high with earth.
They can see the Burmese army positions from here and they know this will be just one of the front lines if fighting breaks out.
A well-oiled and highly polished large-calibre anti-aircraft gun is produced, standing on a tripod in a bunker overlooking the lush jungle valley.
Guerrilla war
The gleaming gun is a statement, a display for the visitors, but the small metal plane stencilled on the sights looks woefully optimistic.
They are organised and say they have heavy weapons, but we did not see them.
There are around two dozen ethnic groups in Burma, mostly scattered around its borders, and the biggest have been in various states of ceasefire or civil war over the past few decades.
The KIA is one of the biggest. Their commanders say it includes 10,000 regular troops and 10,000 reservists, but it is impossible to know for sure.
The Burmese army is huge. It has an air force of sorts and artillery, and the KIA knows the only way to survive will be to withdraw into the jungle and fight a guerrilla war of attrition.
But civil war would create tens of thousands of refugees and create regional instability.
"If we are attacked the other ethnic groups will support us, as they know the same could happen to them," Gen Gam Shawng explained.
The nearby Wa ethnic group has tens of thousands of troops and resources funded by drug smuggling, and we were told a deal with them had been agreed.
Whether civil war comes here is now up to the Burmese government.
If they use this election year to solve what they see as the "problem" of the ethnic groups they will have a fight on their hands, and the region will have to deal with the consequences.
The sharp sound of loading and unloading weapons and the barked orders of the sergeant-major cut through the mountains of northern Burma as the young cadets are put through their morning drills.
Their discipline is good, their uniforms smart and there is little doubting their sense of purpose or patriotism towards the red and green flag with crossed machetes they proudly wear on their right shoulders.
They are the next generation of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and say they are not afraid to be the generation that fights in a civil war many fear may soon be upon them.
"The Union of Burma was formed on the basis of equality for ethnic people, but there has been inequality throughout history and we are still being suppressed," said cadet Dashi Zau Krang.
He is 26 and has a degree in business studies, but says inequality has stopped him getting a good job and driven him to join the military
But he is not afraid.
"The Burmese army may be the strongest in South East Asia, while we are very few, but God will help us to liberate our people to get freedom and equality. This is our responsibility," he said.
It is a war the Kachin people do not want and one they cannot win.
But their generals believe a 17-year ceasefire could soon end as a Burmese army deadline approaches, demanding the forces merge or disarm.
They have already refused, and although their leaders are still pushing for a political solution, their commanders are preparing for the worst when time runs out at the end of February.
"I can't say if there will be war for sure, but the government wants us to become a border guard force for them by the end of the month," said the KIA's Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Gam Shawng.
"We will not do that, or disarm, until they have given us a place in a federal union and ethnic rights as was agreed in 1947."
The KIA and its civilian organisation have been allowed to control a large swathe of northern Burma as part of a ceasefire agreement with the country's ruling generals.
Trade with China
They provide power, roads and schools funded by taxes on the brisk trade from China as well as the jade and gold mines and teak.
But now soldiers are being recruited, veterans are being recalled and retrained, and an ethnic army is preparing to fight perhaps the biggest military force in South East Asia.
On the car radio are freedom songs, and at one of the training camps a course in traditional dance is being run - cultural nationalism and propaganda is strong.
A BBC team travelled to an area in northern Burma controlled by the Kachin army and its civilian arm, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO).
We were taken to training camps and outposts, but could not walk into Laiza town to talk to people on the street for fear of being seen by an extensive network of Burmese or Chinese government informers and spies.
It made forming a balanced view very difficult, but the determination and planning of the military was clear.
High on a vantage point above their headquarters, trenches are being dug and tree trunks are being hauled and hewn into gun turrets piled high with earth.
They can see the Burmese army positions from here and they know this will be just one of the front lines if fighting breaks out.
A well-oiled and highly polished large-calibre anti-aircraft gun is produced, standing on a tripod in a bunker overlooking the lush jungle valley.
Guerrilla war
The gleaming gun is a statement, a display for the visitors, but the small metal plane stencilled on the sights looks woefully optimistic.
They are organised and say they have heavy weapons, but we did not see them.
There are around two dozen ethnic groups in Burma, mostly scattered around its borders, and the biggest have been in various states of ceasefire or civil war over the past few decades.
The KIA is one of the biggest. Their commanders say it includes 10,000 regular troops and 10,000 reservists, but it is impossible to know for sure.
The Burmese army is huge. It has an air force of sorts and artillery, and the KIA knows the only way to survive will be to withdraw into the jungle and fight a guerrilla war of attrition.
But civil war would create tens of thousands of refugees and create regional instability.
"If we are attacked the other ethnic groups will support us, as they know the same could happen to them," Gen Gam Shawng explained.
The nearby Wa ethnic group has tens of thousands of troops and resources funded by drug smuggling, and we were told a deal with them had been agreed.
Whether civil war comes here is now up to the Burmese government.
If they use this election year to solve what they see as the "problem" of the ethnic groups they will have a fight on their hands, and the region will have to deal with the consequences.
Sunday, January 24, 2010
Thursday, January 21, 2010
မလြတ္လပ္ၾကေသးေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား
ျမန္မာႏႈိင္ငံသည္နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ လက္မွ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ခဲ့သည္မွာ (၆၂)ႏွစ္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ခဲ့ျပီ တကယ္ဘဲျမန္မာ ျပည္သူ ျပည္သား တိုင္း၇င္းသား အားလံုး စိတ္၏လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ကိုယ္၏လြတ္လပ္ ျခင္းကို၇ရိွပါသလား?
အကယ္၍ျပည္သူျပည္သားတိုင္း၇င္းသားအမ်ားစုက လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၏အႏွစ္ သာ၇ကို မခံစား၇ဖူး ဆို၇င္ ဘယ္လိုလူတန္းစား(သို ့မဟုတ္) ဘယ္အဖြဲ ့အစည္းက လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၏ အ၇သာႏွင့္တန္ဖိုးကို ခံစားၾက၇သနည္း?၊
ဤေမးခြန္းကိုေျဖဆို၇ေသာ္ - လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီးေနာက္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ လြဲမွားေသာအယူအဆႏွင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုညံ့ဖ်င္းစြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေန ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏႈိင္ငံအတြင္းမီွတင္းေနထိုင္သူတဦးတေယာက္မွ်လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၏အႏွစ္သာ၇ကို မခံ စားၾက၇ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း ေအာက္ေဖၚျပအခ်က္အလက္အခ်ိဳ ့အားၾကည့္ျခင္းျဖင့္သိႏိႈင္ပါသည္၊
၁) စစ္အစိုး၇ႏွင့္တိုင္း၇င္းသားေတာ္လွန္ေ၇းအင္အားစုမ်ားအၾကား တပ္အင္အားျဖည့္တင္း ျခင္း၊ လက္နက္တပ္ဆင္ျခင္းတို ့ကိုယခင္ကထက္ပို၍လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနျခင္း။
၂) ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မခ်ဳပ္ျငိမ္းသည့္အျပင္ ပိုဆိုးရြားေသာျပည္တြင္းစစ္ၾကီး ျဖစ္ေပၚေစ၇န္ စစ္အစိုး ၇မွဖန္တီးေနျခင္း။
၃) လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီးေနာက္(၁၉၄၈-၂၀၁၀)အတြင္း ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ေသေၾကခဲ့ျပီးေသာ ျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံသားဦးေ၇ အားလံုးမွာ အနည္းဆံုး တစ္သန္းမွသံုးသန္းအထိ(၁၀၀၀၀၀၀-၃၀၀၀၀၀၀) ရိွႏိႈင္ျခင္း၊
၄) တိုင္း၇င္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုး၇အၾကား ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ၊ ယံုၾကည္မႈ ၁၉၆၂- ၂၀၁၀ အၾကားလံုး၀ပ်က္ျပား သြားျခင္း။
၅) ဗမာတိုင္း၇င္းသားလူအမ်ားစုႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုး၇အၾကား ၁၉၈၈ခုႏွစ္ ၈၊၈၊၈၈အေ၇းေတာ္ပံု ေနာက္ပိုင္း အျပန္အလွန္ယံုၾကည္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားသြားျခင္းႏွင့္ တေန ့တျခားတင္းမာမႈၾကီးမားလာေနျခင္း။
၆) တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ဆိုင္ေသာျပႆနာအခက္အခဲႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေ၇းျပႆနာတို ့ကိုေျပလည္ ေအာင္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ေသာ အ၇ည္အခ်င္း စစ္အစိုး၇၌ လံုး၀မရိွျခင္း။
၇) ယဥ္ေက်းေသာ၊ ေဖၚေရႊေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သားမ်ားအား ေၾကာက္ရြံ ့ေသာ၊ ခိုးစားႏိႈက္စား မွ၀မ္း၀သည့္ အနိမ့္ဆံုးယဥ္ေက်းမႈ သို ့ဦးတည္ေနေစေသာအေျခအေနမ်ား၊
၈) တကမၻာလံုးရိွ ႏိုင္ငံအတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ခ၇ီးသြားလာေ၇း၊ ေငြေၾကး စုေဆာင္းထားရွိမႈတို ့အားကန့္သတ္ ျခင္းႏွင့္အျခားပိတ္ဆို ့မႈမ်ား၊
၉) ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထု တ၇ပ္လံုး၏ ပညာေ၇း၊က်န္းမာေ၇း၊စီးပြါးေ၇း၊လူမႈေ၇းအေျခအေနမ်ား တေန ့တျခားအနိမ့္ဆံုးအဆင့္သို ့ ေ၇ာက္ရိွလာေနျခင္း၊
၁၀) စစ္တပ္မွတိုင္း၇င္းသားေဒသမ်ားအတြင္း မဒိန္းက်င့္၊ လုယက္၊ သတ္ျဖတ္ ေနမႈတို ့ကို စနစ္တက်တိုး၍ျပဳလုပ္လာေနျခင္း။
၁၁) ၁၉၄၈-၆၁ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း တိုးတက္ဆဲႏိႈင္ငံမ်ားထဲက အလားအလာအေကာင္းဆံုးႏိႈင္ငံ အဆင့္မွ ၁၉၆၂-၂၀၁၀ အတြင္း ကမၻာ့အဆင္း၇ဲဆံုးေသာႏႈိင္ငံမ်ားအဆင့္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ရွိေနျခင္း၊
၁၂)ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏မိုက္မဲစြာစနစ္တက် စတင္အသုံးျပဳခဲ့ေသာ အဂတိ လိုက္စားမႈမွာ ျပည္သူမ်ားအၾကား ပါပ်ံ ့နံ ့လာျပီး ယခုအခါ ကမၻာ့အဂတိလိုက္စားမႈအဆိုးဆံုးႏိႈင္ငံ အဆင့္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ရိွေနျခင္း၊ စသည့္ အခ်က္မ်ားအျပင္ အထက္ တြင္ ေဖၚျပမထားေသာ အျခားမေ၇ တြက္ႏိႈင္ေသာ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားရိွေနေသးေၾကာင္း စာဖတ္သူအားလံုးသိရိႈျပီးျဖစ္မည္ဟု ယံုၾကည္ ပါသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံရွိ တိုင္း၇င္းသားျပည္သူတ၇ပ္လံုးအတြက္ လြပ္လပ္ေ၇းဟူေသာအႏွစ္သာ၇ ပ်က္သုဥ္း ခဲ့သည္မွာ အႏွစ္(၅၀) ခန္ ့ရွိျပီျဖစ္သည္၊ ထိုလြပ္လပ္ေ၇းပ်က္သုဥ္းခဲ့၇သည္ အဓိကအေၾကာင္း၇င္းမွာ- ၁၉၆၂ခုႏွစ္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္အစိုး၇မွ တိုင္းျပည္ကို လြဲမွားေသာအယူအဆမ်ားျဖင့္ ယုတ္ညံ့စြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ လာသည့္အခ်ိန္မွအစပ်ိဳးခဲ့သည္ကိုလည္းျပည္သူတ၇ပ္လံုးသိရိွျပီးျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ထိုစစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ခါးသီးေသာအေတြ ့အၾကဳံမ်ားကိုနိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ေစ၇န္ ၇ည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ၈၀%ေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သားမ်ား လမ္းေပၚထြက္မိမိ၏ဆႏၵကိုေဖၚထုတ္ျပသည္ကို လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈျပီး မဆလစစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေန၇ာတြင္ ပိုဆိုးရြား ေသာ န၀တစစ္ဘီလူးစနစ္ျဖင့္ အစားထိုး ကာတိုင္းျပည္ကိုယုတ္ကန္းမိုက္မဲစြာဆက္လက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနျပန္သည္။
မိုဃ္းေကာင္းအထက္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ေသာအခါ ေတာင္စားဗိုလ္ ေနမ်ိဳးသိန္ပ၇ာဇာက - ကခ်င္သိန္းေဖါ လူတေထာင္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ လိုက္ပါအမႈထမ္းလိုေၾကာင္း ေလွ်ာက္ထားလာသျဖင့္ စစ္ေဆးၾကည့္ရႈျပီးလွ်င္ခြင့္ျပဳလိိုက္ေလ၏။
စစ္သူၾကီးမဟာဗႏၶဳလ၏မဏိပူ၇ အာသံတိုက္ပြဲ အေၾကာင္းကို အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံအာသံျပည္တြင္ယေန ့တိုင္ မွီတင္းေနထိုင္ၾကေသာ ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား(Singpho) အေနျဖင့္ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသားသမိုင္းဆ၇ာမ်ား ထက္မပိုေတာင္ေ၇ာ့ျပီးသိၾကမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ အာသံျပည္တြင္ယခင္ကနာမည္ရွိခဲ့ၾကေသာ NRU RAJA, PISA RAJA, U-RANG DUWA, DAHPA DUWA, DAIHPA DUWA, HPRUP DUWA စေသာ စစ္သူၾကီးမ်ား၏မ်ိဳးဆက္မ်ားေျပာျပေသာ သမိုင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအ၇ ဗမာတပ္မ်ား “အ၀(AVA)” ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွ စစ္သည္အလံုးအ၇င္းျဖင့္ အာသံျပည္သို ့စစ္ခ်ီျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ ဌာေနတိုင္း၇င္းသား ဟူးေကာင္း ဒူ၀ါမ်ားႏွင့္ အာသံျပည္၌ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကေသာကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား၏ အကူအညီျဖင့္ စစ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိ၇သည္၊ သို ့ ေသာ္သမိုင္းတြင္ ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားကို ခ်န္လွပ္ကာ “ငါဗမာကြ” ခံယူခ်က္ျဖင့္ သမိုင္းကိုေ၇းသားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ၀မ္းနဲစြာသိရွိ ၇ပါသည္။
ထိုကဲ့သို ့ဗမာဘု၇င္တို ့ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္းမခံ၇သည့္ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားမွာ ၁၈၉၀-၁၉၂၉ခုႏွစ္ အေမ၇ိကန္သာသနာျပဳ ဆ၇ာ Dr. Ola Hanson ၏ေက်းဇူးျဖင့္သာစာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈရိွေသာ လူမ်ိဳး အဆင့္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ရွိခဲ့ၾက၇သည္။
ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ျပီးေနာက္(၁၉၄၅) ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသားတို ့(ဖဆပလ)၏ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းလႈပ္ရွားမႈတို ့ကို မ်က္ေျခမျပတ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ ေနေသာ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇က ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ကို ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းၾကိဳးပမ္းမႈ မျပဳလုပ္ၾက၇န္ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ေဒသကိုအဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ ၏အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္ ဆက္လက္ထားရွိမွာျဖစ္ျပီး ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးႏွင့္ကခ်င္ေဒသ ကို(၁၀ႏွစ္) အတြင္း တိုးတက္ေခာတ္မွီေသာ လက္ေအာက္ခံကိုလိုနီ အျဖစ္ထားရွိေပးမည္ဟူေသာ ဂတိက၀တ္မ်ားကို အၾကိမ္ ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာျဖင့္ ေျပာဆိုနားခ်ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ၁၇၂၀-၁၈၉၀ခုႏွစ္ အတြင္း အၾကိမ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့ေသာ အဂၤလိပ္-ကခ်င္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားအတြင္း ၇ာ၊ ေထာင္ မကေသာကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကို ၇က္၇က္စက္စက္သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ေသာနယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇မ်ားအား နာက်ဥ္းမုန္းတီးမႈ၊ မယံုၾကည္မႈတို ့ ကတေၾကာင္း၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကိုတေလးတစားဆက္ဆံမႈ၊ သူ၏လုပ္ ေဆာင္ခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဂတိက၀တ္တို ့ကို ယံုၾကည္လက္ခံခဲ့ေသာ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အမ်ားစု အေနျဖင့္ အဂၤလိပ္ အစိုး၇ထံမွ ေတာင္တန္းေျမျပန္ ့မခြဲျခားဘဲလြတ္လပ္ေ၇းေတာင္းဆို၇န္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ သည္၊(၁၉၅၈-၅၉ခုႏွစ္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၀န္ၾကီး ဦး၀ေဘာ္ ေဇာ္၇စ္ ကခ်င္ဘာသာျဖင့္ေ၇းေသာ “ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ကၽြႏု္ပ္ ေတြ ့စဥ္က” စာအုပ္မွ အခ်က္ အလက္အခ်ိဳ ့တင္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။)ထိုစဥ္က ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအေနျဖင့္ မဆလ၊ နအဖ နာမည္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးတပ္ျပီး တိုင္း၇င္းသားျပည္သူမ်ားကို ယခုကဲ့သို ့ကၽြန္ျပဳအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခံ၇မည္ကို တင္ၾကိဳမွန္းဆ ႏိုင္ပါက ကခ်င္ႏွင့္ အျခားတိုင္း၇င္းသားတို ့အေနျဖင့္ ယခုကဲ့သို ့အင္မတန္ယုတ္ညံ့ေကာက္က်စ္စဥ္းလည္းျပီး အဆင့္အတန္း မရွိေသာစစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ား၏ အႏိုင္က်င့္ျခင္းကိုခံ၇စ၇ာအေၾကာင္းမရွိႏိုင္ပါ။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားတို ့၏ ဗမာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအေပၚယံုၾကည္ကိုးစားမႈတို ့မွာျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံလြတ္လပ္ေ၇း ၇ျပီးေနာက္ ၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္မွ စတင္၍ေ၇ာ့နည္းလာသည္သာမက ကခ်င္ေသနတ္ကိုင္ တပ္၇င္း(၁) မွ ဗိုလ္ၾကီးလဖိုင္ေနာ္ဆိုင္း ဦးေဆာင္ျပီး ၁၉၄၉ခု ေဖေဖၚ၀ါ၇ီလ၁၆-၇က္ တြင္အသိအလင္းစတင္ ပုန္ကန္ ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ အားလံုး၏သေဘာတူညီမႈ မ၇ရွိ၍ ထိုပုန္ကန္မႈမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈမ၇ရွိသည္သာမက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဗိုလ္ၾကီးလဖိုင္ေနာ္ဆိုင္းကိုယ္တိုင္တရုပ္ျပည္သို ့ႏိုင္ငံေ၇း ခိုလံုမႈခံယူျပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္းဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္(ဗကပ)ပါတီ ႏွင့္ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္းသိရွိ၇သည္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ဖဆပလေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား အၾကားရွိခဲ့ေသာ ဂတိ က၀တ္မ်ားအနက္ အေ၇းၾကီးေသာ အခ်က္မ်ားထဲမွ (၁) လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီး ေနာက္ ႏိႈင္ငံေတာ္ကိုဖယ္ဒ၇ယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု စနစ္ျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္၇န္ (၂) ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၏ နယ္နမိတ္ သတ္မွတ္ေပး၇န္ တို ့မွာ အလြန္ေ၇းၾကီးေသာ အခ်က္မ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္ အားေလွ်ာ္စြာ ျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံေတာ္၏ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းေက်ညာသည့္ ၁၉၄၈ ဇႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလ-၄၇က္ေန ့မွ(၆)၇က္အၾကာ ၁၉၄၈ ဇႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလ ၁၀၇က္ ေန ့ကိုကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့အျဖစ္ကမၻာသိ ေက်ျငာခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းမ၇ခင္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ဖဆပလ၏ အတြင္း ေ၇းျပႆနာမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံကိုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္သည့္အ၇ည္အခ်င္းတို ့ကို ေလးေလးနက္မစဥ္းစားဘဲ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့ အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ကိုမုန္းတီးေသာစိတ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကိုယံုၾကည္ေသာစိတ္ စသည့္ ရိုးသားျဖဴစင္ ေသာစိတ္တို ့ျဖင့္ လူမ်ားစုဗမာတိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား ႏွင့္လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းကို၇ယူခဲ့ၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
သို ့ေသာ္ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီးေနာက္ ဗမာအစိုး၇အေနျဖင့္ ဖဆပလအတြင္း ၀ါဒေ၇း၇ာျပႆနာမ်ား မေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ျခင္း၊ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုမႏိုင္းမနင္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနျခင္းတို ့ေၾကာင့္ တိုင္း၇င္းသားတို ့၏ေမွ်ာ္မွန္း ခ်က္တို ့ကိုျဖည့္ဆည္းေပး၇န္ ဗမာအစိုး၇ မွအၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့သည္သာမက ၎ျပႆနာမ်ားကို လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈေနျခင္းတို ့မွာ တိုင္း၇င္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ား ျပည္မအစိုး၇ အေပၚ မ်ားစြာစိတ္ပ်က္ေစသည္ သာမက ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ၾကီးသို ့ဦးတည္လာေစခဲ့သည္။
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇ အေနျဖင့္ျပႆနာ၏ အေျဖမွန္ကို မေျဖရွင္းသည့္ပင္ဆက္လက္၍လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈေန ေသာ္ လည္းတိုင္း၇င္းသား လူမ်ိဳးစုေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား သေဘာထားၾကီးစြာ တိုင္းျပည္၏ျပႆနာမီး ကိုျငိမ္းေစ ၇န္၇ည္သန္ျပီး ၁၉၆၁ ခု၊ ဇြန္လ(၈)၇က္မွ (၁၆)၇က္ အတြင္း ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပိုင္း ေတာင္ၾကီးျမိဳ ့တြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ ျပည္နယ္ေပါင္းစံုညီလာခံၾကီး ကိုက်င္းပကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ တိုင္း၇င္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစု တိုင္းမွႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇သို ့အၾကံျပဳတင္ျပခဲ့ၾကသည္၊ ၿငီလာခံ၌ေဆြးေႏြး ေသာအခ်က္အလက္ မ်ားမွာ “ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ ညြန္ၾကားခ်က္(၇)ခ်က္” အေပၚအေျခခံ၍ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သမိုင္း အေထာက္အထားမ်ား အ၇သိရွိ၇သည္။ ဤညီလာခံၾကီးတြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္မွ တိုင္း၇င္းသားကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဦးဇန္ထားဆင္ မွ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေဆြးေႏြး တင္ျပခဲ့ ေၾကာင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္ “ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခါမွာ ေဆြးေႏြးတာကိုဘဲတခ်ိဳ ့ကဒါဟာနယ္ခ်ဲ ့ ပေယာ၈ပါတယ္ လို ့ စြပ္စြဲတာလဲရွိပါတယ္၊ ဒီမွာကၽြန္ေတာ္တို ့ကျပန္ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို ့ ဟာလြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ရွိ ျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ေရွးကနင့္ဘာမွမျခား ပါဘူး။” တဖန္ “ဒီကေန ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္ နယ္မွာအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးေျပာေန ၾကတယ္၊ ဒီေန ့ညီလာခံမွာၾကြေ၇ာက္ လာတဲ့ ကခ်င္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ေတြ ကိုေမးၾကည့္ပါ၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္မွာ သူပုန္လံုး၀မရွိပါဘူး၊ ေနာင္အခါမွာရွိမယ္ မရွိမယ္ေတာ့ မေျပာ ႏိုင္ပါဘူး။” ဟုပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇သို ့ေစတနာျဖင့္တင္ျပ အသိေပးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ကိုလည္း မွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ ၇သည္။
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇အေနျဖင့္ တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား၏ျငမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေစတနာအျပည့္ျဖင့္တင္ျပခဲ့မႈတို ့ကိုလံုး၀ လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈဥပကၡာျပဳခဲ့သည္သာ မကဘဲ ၁၉၆၂ မတ္လ (၂)၇က္တြင္ ေန၀င္းစစ္အစိုး၇သို ့ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အာဏာကိုလြဲေျပာင္းေပးသည့္ေျဖရွင္းနည္းျဖင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ ၏ျပႆနာကို ပို၍ရႈပ္ေထြးေသာအေျခအေန သို ့တြန္းပို ့လိုက္၇ာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးဟုန္းကနဲေတာက္ေလာက္ လာေစခဲ့သည္၊ ထိုနစ္ ၁၉၆၂ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါ၇ီလ(၅)၇က္ေန ့ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားလည္း လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေ၇းကိုအသိ အလင္း စတင္ဆင္ႏြဲလာခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇ မင္းႏိုင္ငံထူေထာင္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ လူမ်ိဳးစုၾကီးမ်ား ကဲ့သို ့မဟုတ္ဘဲ က်ယ္၀န္းေသာေတာင္းတန္းေဒသအတြင္းေစာ္ဘြား၊ဒူ၀ါၾကီးမ်ားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေသာ စနစ္မွ ဆင္းသက္လာေသာမ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုျဖစ္သည့္ အားေလွ်ာ္စြာျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ကိုယ့္မ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုႏွင့္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ကိုယ္တိုင္ဖန္တီး ဆံုးျဖတ္ခြင့္ရွိေသာ၇ပိုင္ခြင့္သာ ႏိုင္ငံ ေတာ္မွအာမခံႏိုင္ပါက ေတာ္လွန္၇န္အေၾကာင္းမရွိသလို ခြဲထြက္ႏိုင္ငံထူေထာင္၇န္လည္း အေၾကာင္း မရွိပါ၊
ကခ်င္အပါအ၀င္ ျမန္မာႏႈိင္ငံရိွ တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားယခုၾကဳံေတြ ့ေနေသာအေျခအေနမွန္မွာ- တိုင္း၇င္း သားမ်ားကိုယ္တိုင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္၇န္အခက္အခဲမ်ိဳးစံုႏွင့္စိမ္ေခၚမႈအမ်ားအျပားရွိလာေနေသာ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈတို ့ကို စစ္အစိုး၇ ကိုယ္တိုင္မေလးစားသည္သာမက စနစ္တက်ဖ်က္ဆီးေျဖာက္ဖ်က္ ေနမႈတို ့ေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိတိုင္း၇င္းသားတို ့၏ ရွိတည္ေနမႈ ကိုပင္ျခမ္းေျခာက္လာေနေသာ အေျခ အေနသည္ လြတ္လပ္ေသာျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အျဖစ္ဆက္လက္ တည္ရွိ၇န္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ ပါ၊ ဗမာစစ္အစိုး၇၏ တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားအေပၚမိုက္မဲစြာ ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ေနေသာအခ်က္အမ်ားအျပား ရွိသည့္ အနက္အေသးဆံုးအမွားတခုဥပမာေျပာ၇၇င္- သတင္းစာနယ္ဇင္းမ်ား၊ ရုံးသံုးစာမ်ားတြင္ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳး လူနာမည္ေ၇းသား ေဖၚျပ၇ာတြင္မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ ေမာင္လွဂ်ာ၊ ဦးလွဂ်ာ ဟူ၍သာေဖၚျပေ၇းသားျပီး ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့၏အိမ္ေထာင္စုမ်ိဳးရိုးနာမည္ ကိုအသိအမွတ္ျပဳေ၇းသားေဖၚျပျခင္းမရွိသည္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း မ်ားစြာၾကာျမင့္ေနျပီျဖစ္သည္၊ တကယ္ဆို ဦးမ၇န္ လွဂ်ာ၊ ေမာင္ လဖိုင္ လဂ်ာ ဟုသာေ၇းသားေဖၚျပ သင့္ပါသည္၊ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့သည္ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ပါ၊ မယားပါသားလည္း မဟုတ္ၾကပါ၊ တိုင္းတပါး နယ္ခ်ဲ ့တို ့၏လက္ေအာက္မွ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းကိုသေဘာတူညီစြာ၇ယူခဲ့ၾကေသာ တိုင္း၇င္းသားအခ်င္း ခ်င္းျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ အတိုင္း တဦးႏွင့္တဦး မတူညီေသာယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ဓေလ့ထံုးစံမ်ားကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ အျပန္အလွန္ေလးစားၾကျခင္းျဖင့္သာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကိုတည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ဗမာမင္းႏိုင္ငံေခာတ္မွ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားႏွင့္ဆက္ဆံခဲ့ေသာ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳး အခ်င္းခ်င္းၾကား လူမႈေ၇း ဆက္ဆံျခင္း၊ စာေ၇းဆက္သြယ္ၾကျခင္းမ်ား ကိုနားမလည္ဘဲ ၂၁-၁၁-၂၀၀၉ ၇က္ေန ့ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာတြင္ NDAK နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္မွ ဗိုလ္ယိန္းနန္ ဆိုသူက KIA တပ္မွ သူငယ္ခ်င္းဘ၇န္ေရွာင္ဆိုသူသို ့ဗထူးတပ္ျမိဳ ့မွေ၇းလိုက္ေသာ စာေၾကာင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ားစုမွာ ေတာ္ ေတာ္ေလးစိတ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ၾကသည္၊ ကခ်င္လိုဟန္ေဆာင္ျပီး၀ါဒျဖန္ ့လိုလွ်င္ ကခ်င္တို ့၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈႏွင့္ အခ်င္းခ်င္းစာေ၇းသည့္အခါထားသည့္သေဘာထားမ်ားကိုသိဖို ့လိုပါသည္၊ ထိုစာမွာ ကခ်င္လူထု အတြင္း၀ါဒျဖန္ ့စာ ျဖစ္မလာဘဲ ၇ီစ၇ာ စက္ဆုတ္ဖြယ္စာ တစ္ေစာင္အျဖစ္သာရွိခဲ့သည္ကို ထိုစာေ၇း သူသိမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။
တဖန္ ၂၀၀၉ခု၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၂၆-၂၈ အတြင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၊၂-မိုင္ ေအာင္သာတြင္ ကခ်င္ရိုး၇ာေကာက္သစ္ စားပြဲႏွင့္ မေနာပြဲေတာ္က်င္းပ၇န္ စီစဥ္ထားေသာ မေနာကြင္းကိုေျမလွန္ ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ ပြဲေတာ္ျပီးဆံုးသည့္အခ်ိန္၌ မေနာတိုင္ မ်ားကိုျဖိဳဖ်က္ခိုင္းျခင္းတို ့မွာ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား မ်ားကို စစ္ေက်ညာလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္၊ ဘိုးေဘးဘီဘင္လက္ထက္မွ ဆင္းသက္ခဲ့ ေသာရိုး၇ာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈသမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇ မေနာပြဲက်င္းပ၇န္ စီစဥ္ထားေသာ ေျမေန၇ာကို မည္သူတဦး တေယာက္မွ် ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ေႏွာက္ယွက္ျခင္းမျပဳလုပ္၇ပါ၊ ယုတ္အစြဆံုး ညေနပိုင္း ေန၀င္ ခ်ိန္မွစ၍ မေနာကြင္းအတြင္းမည္သည့္ လူပု၈ၢိဳလ္မွ် ၀င္ထြက္သြား လာျခင္း မျပဳၾက၇ေတာ့ပါ၊ ကခ်င္ အမ်ိဳးသားတို ့ ယခင္နတ္စား(ရိုး၇ာ) သည့္ကာလတြင္ ေန၀င္ သည့္ အခ်ိန္မွေနာက္တမနက္ ေနထြက္ လာသည့္အခ်ိန္တိုင္ နတ္ေကာင္းနတ္ျမတ္တို ့အတြက္သတ္မွတ္ ထားေသာအခ်ိန္အျဖစ္ သိရွိ၇ျပီး မေနာကြင္းကိုဖ်က္ဆီးေႏွာက္ယွက္သူမွန္သမွ် ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား မ်ား၏၇န္သူအျဖစ္ေက်ညာလိုက္ ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ထိုမေနာကြင္းကိုဖ်က္ဆီးသူ(သို ့) ဖ်က္ဆီး၇န္ ညႊန္ၾကားသူ မ်ား၏မိသားစု ေဆြစဥ္မ်ိဳးဆက္အားလံုးလည္း အေသဆိုးျဖင့္ ေသၾက၇သည္သာမက အကုသိုလ္မ်ားကိုခံစားၾက၇ ေၾကာင္းရိုး၇ာမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ တဖန္ ယခင္ရိုး၇ာဥပေဒမ်ားအ၇ မေနာတိုင္မ်ားကို စိုက္ထူျပီးသည့္ေနာက္ တစ္ႏွစ္(၁၂လ) အတြင္း မႏုတ္၇၊ မဖ်က္ဆီး၇ပါ၊ အကယ္၍ မေနာတုိင္စိုက္ ထူျပီးေနာက္ ထိုေဒသအတြင္း တဦးတေယာက္ေသဆံုးခဲ့လ်င္ေတာင္မွ ေျမကိုတူးဆြျပီး ျမဳပ္ႏွံသျ၈ိဳလ္ ျခင္းမလုပ္ၾက၇ပါ၊ အထက္ပါရိုး၇ာ ဥပေဒမ်ားကိုမလိုက္ႏွာဘဲ မေနာတိုင္မ်ားကို ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ ႏုတ္ျခင္းအမႈကိုက်ဴးလြန္သူ(သို ့) စီစဥ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ သူမွန္သမွ် ကပ္ၾကီးေလးပါးႏွင့္ ၇င္ဆိုင္ၾက၇ ေၾကာင္းသမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ ကခ်င္တို ့၏အျမင့္ဆံုး ရိုး၇ာျဖစ္ သည့္ မေနာ ပြဲေတာ္ကိုဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ေသာ အစိုး၇ဟူ၍ ယခုလက္ရွိႏိုင္ငံကိုမတ၇ားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည့္ စစ္အစိုး၇မွတပါး အျခားမည္သည့္ အစိုး၇မွ် မရွိခဲ့ပါ၊ မဆလ၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇၊ ဖက္စစ္ဂ်ပန္ အစိုး၇တို ့ပင္ ေလးစား ခံခဲ့၇ေသာ အျမင့္ဆံုးရိုး၇ာအျဖစ္ရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇ ပါသည္။ ကခ်င္ တို ့၏အျမင့္ဆံုးရိုး၇ာကိုဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ေသာ ဤစစ္အစိုး၇အေပၚမည္သို ့ေသာကပ္ဆိုးၾကီး မ်ားမည္သို ့ က်ေ၇ာက္လာမည္ကို မသိရွိ၇ေသာ္လည္း မေ၇တြက္ႏိုင္ေသာ ျပႆနာေပါင္းစံုႏွင့္ ယခုပင္စတင္ ၇င္ဆိုင္ေနၾက၇ျပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းေလ့လာေတြ ့ရွိ၇သည္။
စစ္အစိုး၇အေနျဖင့္ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့၏ရိုး၇ာမေနာတိုင္ႏွင္ ့မေနာကြင္းတို ့အားဖ်က္ဆီးေနျခင္း၏ စိတ္၇င္း သေဘာထားအမွန္ မွာ- ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၌ကခ်င္တို ့၏ရိုး၇ာအထိမ္းအမွတ္ေက်ာက္တိုင္မ်ား သမိုင္း အဆက္ဆက္တည္ရွိသြားမည္ကိုေၾကာက္ရြံ ့ေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၀ါ၇င့္ကခ်င္ႏိုင္ငံေ၇း သုေတတီ မ်ား၏ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္မ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊
သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအ၇ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့သည္ ရွမ္းအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ သမိုင္း၌ထင္ရွားခဲ့ေသာ Kingdom of Pong အတြင္းတည္ရိွခဲ့ေသာျမိဳ ့ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းမွတ္သား၇သည္၊ တဖန္ ၁၈၇၁ခုႏွစ္ Dr. John Anderson ေ၇းသားထားေသာ A REPORT ON THE EXPEDITION TO WESTERN YUNAN စာအုပ္စာမ်က္ႏွာ၂၁၆ ၌ေဖၚျပထားေသာဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ဆိုသည္မွာ-
Bhamo, situated in latitude 24 ံ16’ North, longitude 96 ံ47’ East, on a high prominence on the left bank of the Irawady, about two miles below the mouth of the Tapeng River, is a narrow town one mile in length. There are four gates, one at either end, and two on the eastern side, and all are closed immediately after sunset. A guard is stationed at each of the two extreme ones; and four or five outlooks in the form of thatched huts, perched at intervals on the top of the stockade, are called into requisition when an attack is expected from the dreaded Kakhyens(Kachins). It contains about 500 houses, and allowing five persons to each, the population may be estimated at 2,500 persons, and it may be referred to two portions, one Chinese and the other Shan.
ထိုအခ်ိန္က ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့တြင္ဗမာကုန္သည္အခ်ိဳ ့ႏွင့္ ဗမာ၀န္တဦးေနထိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေဖၚျပထားျပီး အမ်ားစုမွာ ရွမ္းႏွင့္တရုပ္ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ Kakhyens(Kachins)ေက်းရြာမ်ားမွာ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ အား၀န္း၇ံထားေၾကာင္း ထိုစာအုပ္တြင္ေဖၚ ျပပါရွိသည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင့္ပါတ္သက္၍တခါ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းမ၇ခင္ ဖဆပလ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၏သေဘာတူညီခ်က္အ၇ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ပါ၀င္ေ၇း၌ ထိုစဥ္က ဗန္းေမာ္ခရိုင္အတြင္း ၂၆.၀% ခန္ ့ေနထိုင္ေသာ ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသား လူနည္းစု၏ကန္ ့ကြက္ေနမႈေၾကာင့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ နယ္နမိတ္သတ္မွတ္ေ၇းလုပ္ငန္းၾကန္ ့ၾကာေနျခင္းကို ဖဆပလေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားစိတ္ ပ်က္ခဲ့ၾကသလို ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကလည္းအေတာ္စိတ္ရွည္ခဲ့၇ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ား အ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ အကယ္၍ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့သည္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္နမိတ္အတြင္းသတ္မွတ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ျခင္းမရွိပါက ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ လူမ်ားစုဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားႏွင့္ အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ထံမွလြတ္လပ္ေ၇း အတူ၇ယူ စ၇ာအေၾကာင္းလည္း လံုး၀ မရွိေၾကာင္းသိရွိ၇သည္။
၁၉၄၇ခုႏွစ္တြင္ပုံႏွိပ္ထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့ေသာ FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY 1947 REPORT, PART I စာအုပ္၌ ဗန္းေမာ္ခရိုင္၏ လူမ်ိဳးစုလိုက္ လူဦးေ၇စာ၇င္းကိုလည္းေအာက္ပါ အတိုင္းသိရွိႏိုင္သည္၊
Bhamo District.
Area …. …. 4,148 sq. miles
Total Population …. 129,000
Part I Population …. 52,000
Part II Population …. 77.000
Population by Races.
Kachin …. …. 49,794 or 38.6%
Shan …. …. 36,765 or 28.5%
Burma Group …. …. 33,540 or 26.0%
Indian, Chinese and others … 8,901 or 6.9%
အထက္၌ေဖၚျပခဲ့သည့္အတိုင္း သမိုင္းတေလွ်ာက္ ကခ်င္ေဒသတြင္းရွမ္းအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ျမိဳ ့ရြာတည္ ေထာင္ျပီးေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကသလို ေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွမ္းျပည္ေန၇ာအနံ ့ကခ်င္လူမိ်ဳးမ်ား ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ အထက္ေဖၚျပျပီး ခဲ့ေသာ FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY 1947 REPORT, PART I စာအုပ္တြင္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွမ္းျပည္ရွိ လူဦးေ၇စာ၇င္း ကိုလူမ်ိဳးစုအလိုက္ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေဖၚျပထားသည္။
Northern Shan States.
Area … … 21,400 sq. miles
Total Population.
Federated States … … 690,000
Unfederated Wa States … 82,614
Population by Races.
Shan and Lolo Moso … … 333,960 or 44%
Palaung. Wa … … 220,000 or 28%
Indians, Chinese and others … 93,840 or 12%
Kachins … … 71,070 or 9%
Burma Group … … 53,130 or 7%
ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင့္ပါတ္သက္၍ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္ႏြယ္မႈတို ့ကိုတင္ျပ၇လွ်င္ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ေထာင္ခ်ီ၍တင္ျပလည္းျပီး ႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ၊ လို၇င္းကိုတင္ျပ၇ေသာ္- နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္တို ့ အထက္ ဗမာျပည္ကို က်ဴးေက်ာ္၀င္ေ၇ာက္ သိမ္းပိုက္စဥ္ အခါကေသာ္၄င္း၊ တဖန္ဖက္စစ္ဂ်ပန္မ်ား၀င္ေ၇ာက္ လာေသာအခ်ိန္တြင္ေသာ္၄င္း ဗန္းေမာ္အ၇ပ္၌ ကခ်င္ဒူ၀ါၾကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္သည္အေျမာက္အမ်ား အသက္ေသြးေပါင္းေျမာက္မ်ားစြာေပးလွဴကာကြယ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္း မ်ားမွသိရွိ၇သည္။
၁၈၉၈ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားတပ္ခြဲမွဴး အူး၈်စ္လ(Ujik La) ဦးစီးျပီး ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားသာ ပါ၀င္ေသာ စစ္ပုလိပ္(Military Police) တပ္ခြဲ(အင္အား ၁၂၀ခန္ ့) ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၏လံုျခံဳေ၇းတာ၀န္ ကိုစတင္ယူစဥ္ကာလက ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၌ ကခ်င္အိမ္ေထာင္စုေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္းသိရွိ ၇သည္။ (A BURMESE ARCADY BY MAJOR C. M. ENRIQUEZ-1923) စာအုပ္မွကိုးကားသည္။
အထက္၌ေဖၚျပခဲ့ေသာ ကခ်င္စစ္ပုလိပ္(Kachin Military Police) တပ္ခြဲသည္ ၁၉၁၆ခုနစ္မွ First Regular Kachin Army သို ့ေျပာင္းလည္းဖြဲ ့စည္းလိုက္ျပီး၊ ၁၉၁၇ခုႏွစ္ ဂ်ဴလိုင္လ-၃၀၇က္ေန ့တြင္ ပထမကမၻာစစ္(WW I) ကာလ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္တို ့၏ေရွ ့တန္းစစ္မ်က္ႏွာတခု ျဖစ္ေသာ Mesopotamia(ယခုအေခၚ-အီ၇တ္ႏိုင္ငံ) သို ့ေစလြတ္ျခင္းခံ၇ျပီး ထိုစစ္ပြဲ၌ဂုဏ္ထူးေဆာင္ဘြဲ ့တံဆိပ္ အမ်ားအျပား၇ရွိသည္ သာမက ကခ်င္ေသြးနီေၾကာင္း ကမၻာကိုျပသခြင့္၇ေသာ အေ၇းၾကီး သည့္ သမိုင္း၀င္အေထာက္အထားတ၇ပ္အျဖစ္ မွတ္သားထားသင့္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိ၇သည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင့္ပါသက္၍ ေဖၚျပေန၇ျခင္းမွာ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၌ဘိုးေဘးဘီဘင္လက္ထက္မွ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾက ေသာကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား မိမိတို ့၏ရိုး၇ာယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ဖ်က္ဆီး၊ ပိတ္ပင္ေနေသာ စစ္အစိုး ၇တို ့ လက္နက္အားကိုးအႏိုင္က်င့္ေစာ္ကားခံေန၇ေသာ ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္၊ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့သည္ ကခ်င္ျပည္ နယ္ရွိျမိဳ ့တျမိဳ ့ျဖစ္ျပီး ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့တြင္မွီတင္းေနထိုင္ေသာ တိုင္း၇င္းသားတို၏ ျမိဳ ့သာျဖစ္သင့္ သည္၊ ဆိုလိုသည္မွာ- ရွမ္း၊ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအတြက္ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့အေ၇းၾကီးသလို ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား အတြက္ လည္းအထက္ေဖၚျပခဲ့သည့္အတိုင္း အေ၇းၾကီးသည့္သမိုင္း၀င္ျမိဳ ့တျမိဳ ့ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းအထင္ အရွားေတြ ့ရွိ၇ပါသည္။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ လက္နက္အားကိုးမိုက္ရိုင္းေသာစစ္အစိုး၇မွ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ မ်ားမရွိေသာ ကခ်င္ေက်းရြာမ်ား၌ ေစတီပုထိုးမ်ား တည္ေဆာက္ ေနျခင္းမ်ားျမင္ေတြ ့ ေနေသာ္လည္း ယဥ္ေက်းျပီးေသာကခ်င္မ်ား အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ဖ်က္ဆီး ၾကမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။
တခါတေလစဥ္းစားၾကည့္တယ္ ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္ကတည္းက တပ္မွဴးေတြျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီ ေမာင္ေအးနဲ ့ သန္းေရႊ ရူးမ်ားရူးေန ၾကျပီးလား? ဒါမွမဟုတ္ Psychopath ေတြမ်ားလား? အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးစဥ္းစားၾကည့္ တယ္ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အမ်ားၾကီးက အဲဒီလမ္းစဥ္ဘဲေလွ်ာက္ေနၾကတာ ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္ကတည္း ကဆိုေတာ့ တခုခုေတာ့လြဲေနျပီဆိုတာေသခ်ာေနျပီ၊
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ထဲက တိုင္း၇င္းသားအားလံုး ဂ်ႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလ(၁၀)၇က္ေန ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့ကို အျမင့္ ျမတ္ဆံုး ရိုး၇ာနဲ ့ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ရႊင္က်င္းပဖို ့ေျမွာ္လင့္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္၊ ပြဲေတာ္၇က္နားကပ္လာခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ပြဲေတာ္ကို စစ္အစိုး၇၇ဲ ့စိတ္ၾကိဳက္ အစီအစဥ္အတိုင္းျဖစ္သြားခဲ့တယ္၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္ နဲ ့ ဖက္စစ္ ဂ်ပန္အစိုုး၇ေတာင္ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေပးခံ၇တဲ့ မေနာပြဲေတာ္ဟာ ယုတ္ညံ့တဲ့စစ္အစိုး၇၇ဲ ့ေစာ္ကားျခင္း ကိုေနာက္တၾကိမ္ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားျမိဳ ့မွာထပ္ျပီးခံ၇တာပါဘဲ၊ ဒီအျပဳအမူဟာ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးထု အားလံုးကို ေစာ္ကားလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အနယ္နယ္အ၇ပ္၇ပ္မွ ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ေျပာျပခ်က္အ၇ သိရွိ၇သည္၊ ကခ်င္နာမည္ကိုပင္ မွန္ေအာင္မေခၚႏိုင္ေသာ ဗမာစစ္ဘီလူးမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေပးမွ ပြဲျဖစ္ မည့္ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားတို ့၏ အျမင့္ျမတ္ဆံုး ရိုး၇ာ၏ အနာဂတ္သည္လည္း ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားကို လမ္းဆံုလမ္းခြသို ့ပို ့ေပးေနေသာအခ်က္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္းသိရွိ၇ပါသည္။ ရိုး၇ာမေနာပြဲေတာ္က်င္းပ ေ၇းညိွႏိႈင္းအစည္းအေ၀းမွတ္တမ္းအ၇ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ပါ၀င္မႈကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေတြ ့ရွိ၇ မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
လွ်ိဳ ့၀ွက္
၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၃၀ ၇က္ေန ့ ၁၃၁၅ နာ၇ီအခ်ိန္တြင္ စီတာပူ၇ပ္ကြက္၊ မေနာကြင္း အတြင္းရွိ မေနာအိမ္ေတာ္၌ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ေသာ (၆၂)ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့ အခမ္းအနား ႏွင့္ ရိုး၇ာမေနာပြဲေတာ္ အခမ္းအနား က်င္းပေ၇း ညိွႏိႈင္းအစညိးအေ၀းအစည္းအေ၀းတက္ေ၇ာက္လာသူမ်ားေအာက္ပါပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားတက္ေ၇ာက္ၾကပါသည္-
(က) ဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး တင္ေမာင္၀င္း တုိင္းဦးစီး
(ခ) ဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး ျမတ္ေက်ာ္ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာမွဴး
(ဂ) ဒုတိယဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး သက္ပံု စစ္ဦးစီးမွဴး(ပထမတန္း)
(င) ဒုတိယဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး ၇ဲထြဋ္ တပ္၇င္းမွဴး၊ အမွတ္(၂၆၀)
(ဃ) ဗိုလ္မွဴး တင္ေဇာ္ဦး ယာယီတပ္၇င္းမွဴး၊ အမွတ္(၂၁)
(စ) ဗိုလ္မွဴး ၇ဲမင္းေအာင္ ယာယီတပ္၇င္းမွဴး၊ အမွတ္(၅၈)
(ဆ) ဒုတိယ၇ဲမွဴးၾကီး ျမင့္ေအာင္ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားခရိုင္၇ဲတပ္ဖြဲ ့မွဴး
(ဇ) ဦးသိန္းထြန္းဦး ျမစ္ၾကီးနားခရိုင္ လ၀က
(စ်) ဦး၀င္းေမာ္ ဦးစီးအ၇ာရွိ၊ ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေ၇းႏွင့္ဖြံ ့ျဖိဳးေ၇းေကာင္စီ
(ည) ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေႏွာင္း ဒုတိယဦးစီး၊ ျပန္ၾကားေ၇း
(ဋ) ဦးဇုန္းတိန္ ့ ပြဲေတာ္နယက
(႒) ဦးလဖိုင္ဂြန္ဂ်ာ ဥကၠ႒၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့မေနာပြဲေတာ္ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေ၇း
(ဍ) ဦးေဖၚလားဂမ္ဖန္ ဒု ဥကၠ႒၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့မေနာပြဲေတာ္ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေ၇း
(ဎ) ဗိုလ္ၾကီး စိုးပိုင္ တပ္စုမွဴး၊ လံုျခံဳေ၇း
(ဏ) ဗိုလ္ၾကီး စည္သူ မွတ္တမ္းတင္။
လွ်ိဳ ့၀ွက္
အထက္ေဖၚျပပါ အေၾကင္းအ၇ာတို ့သည္ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ေန ့စဥ္ေတြ ့ၾကံဳခံစားေန၇ေသာ စစ္အစိုး ၇၏ လက္နက္အားကိုး အႏိုင္က်င့္ေစာ္ကားခံေန၇ေသာအခ်က္မ်ား မပါ၀င္ဘဲ ၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္ ႏို၀င္ဘာ လမွ ၂၀၁၀ ဂ်ႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလအထိ(၃)လအတြင္း ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင္ ့ျမစ္ၾကီးနားျမိဳ ့တို ့တြင္က်င္းပခဲ့သည္ ကခ်င္ရိုး၇ာ မေနာပြဲေတာ္ႏွင့္ပါတ္သက္ျပီး တင္ျပျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Overseas Kachin Association ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ မိမိေခါင္းေပၚသို ့က်လာသည့္ သစ္ရြက္ေျခာက္ ကိုပင္ ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်၇န္ ၀န္မေလးေသာ န၀တဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးမ်ား စိတ္ၾကိဳက္စီစဥ္ ထားေသာ ၂၀၁၀ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို လံုး၀အယံုအၾကည္မရွိသည္သာမက အသိအမွတ္လည္းလံုး၀မျပဳပါေၾကာင္းတင္ျပလိုက္၇ပါသည္။ ။
OVERSEAS KACHIN ASSOCIATION
January 19, 2010
အကယ္၍ျပည္သူျပည္သားတိုင္း၇င္းသားအမ်ားစုက လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၏အႏွစ္ သာ၇ကို မခံစား၇ဖူး ဆို၇င္ ဘယ္လိုလူတန္းစား(သို ့မဟုတ္) ဘယ္အဖြဲ ့အစည္းက လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၏ အ၇သာႏွင့္တန္ဖိုးကို ခံစားၾက၇သနည္း?၊
ဤေမးခြန္းကိုေျဖဆို၇ေသာ္ - လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီးေနာက္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ လြဲမွားေသာအယူအဆႏွင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုညံ့ဖ်င္းစြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေန ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏႈိင္ငံအတြင္းမီွတင္းေနထိုင္သူတဦးတေယာက္မွ်လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၏အႏွစ္သာ၇ကို မခံ စားၾက၇ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း ေအာက္ေဖၚျပအခ်က္အလက္အခ်ိဳ ့အားၾကည့္ျခင္းျဖင့္သိႏိႈင္ပါသည္၊
၁) စစ္အစိုး၇ႏွင့္တိုင္း၇င္းသားေတာ္လွန္ေ၇းအင္အားစုမ်ားအၾကား တပ္အင္အားျဖည့္တင္း ျခင္း၊ လက္နက္တပ္ဆင္ျခင္းတို ့ကိုယခင္ကထက္ပို၍လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနျခင္း။
၂) ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မခ်ဳပ္ျငိမ္းသည့္အျပင္ ပိုဆိုးရြားေသာျပည္တြင္းစစ္ၾကီး ျဖစ္ေပၚေစ၇န္ စစ္အစိုး ၇မွဖန္တီးေနျခင္း။
၃) လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီးေနာက္(၁၉၄၈-၂၀၁၀)အတြင္း ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ေသေၾကခဲ့ျပီးေသာ ျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံသားဦးေ၇ အားလံုးမွာ အနည္းဆံုး တစ္သန္းမွသံုးသန္းအထိ(၁၀၀၀၀၀၀-၃၀၀၀၀၀၀) ရိွႏိႈင္ျခင္း၊
၄) တိုင္း၇င္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုး၇အၾကား ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ၊ ယံုၾကည္မႈ ၁၉၆၂- ၂၀၁၀ အၾကားလံုး၀ပ်က္ျပား သြားျခင္း။
၅) ဗမာတိုင္း၇င္းသားလူအမ်ားစုႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုး၇အၾကား ၁၉၈၈ခုႏွစ္ ၈၊၈၊၈၈အေ၇းေတာ္ပံု ေနာက္ပိုင္း အျပန္အလွန္ယံုၾကည္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားသြားျခင္းႏွင့္ တေန ့တျခားတင္းမာမႈၾကီးမားလာေနျခင္း။
၆) တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ဆိုင္ေသာျပႆနာအခက္အခဲႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေ၇းျပႆနာတို ့ကိုေျပလည္ ေအာင္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ေသာ အ၇ည္အခ်င္း စစ္အစိုး၇၌ လံုး၀မရိွျခင္း။
၇) ယဥ္ေက်းေသာ၊ ေဖၚေရႊေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သားမ်ားအား ေၾကာက္ရြံ ့ေသာ၊ ခိုးစားႏိႈက္စား မွ၀မ္း၀သည့္ အနိမ့္ဆံုးယဥ္ေက်းမႈ သို ့ဦးတည္ေနေစေသာအေျခအေနမ်ား၊
၈) တကမၻာလံုးရိွ ႏိုင္ငံအတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ခ၇ီးသြားလာေ၇း၊ ေငြေၾကး စုေဆာင္းထားရွိမႈတို ့အားကန့္သတ္ ျခင္းႏွင့္အျခားပိတ္ဆို ့မႈမ်ား၊
၉) ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထု တ၇ပ္လံုး၏ ပညာေ၇း၊က်န္းမာေ၇း၊စီးပြါးေ၇း၊လူမႈေ၇းအေျခအေနမ်ား တေန ့တျခားအနိမ့္ဆံုးအဆင့္သို ့ ေ၇ာက္ရိွလာေနျခင္း၊
၁၀) စစ္တပ္မွတိုင္း၇င္းသားေဒသမ်ားအတြင္း မဒိန္းက်င့္၊ လုယက္၊ သတ္ျဖတ္ ေနမႈတို ့ကို စနစ္တက်တိုး၍ျပဳလုပ္လာေနျခင္း။
၁၁) ၁၉၄၈-၆၁ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း တိုးတက္ဆဲႏိႈင္ငံမ်ားထဲက အလားအလာအေကာင္းဆံုးႏိႈင္ငံ အဆင့္မွ ၁၉၆၂-၂၀၁၀ အတြင္း ကမၻာ့အဆင္း၇ဲဆံုးေသာႏႈိင္ငံမ်ားအဆင့္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ရွိေနျခင္း၊
၁၂)ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏မိုက္မဲစြာစနစ္တက် စတင္အသုံးျပဳခဲ့ေသာ အဂတိ လိုက္စားမႈမွာ ျပည္သူမ်ားအၾကား ပါပ်ံ ့နံ ့လာျပီး ယခုအခါ ကမၻာ့အဂတိလိုက္စားမႈအဆိုးဆံုးႏိႈင္ငံ အဆင့္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ရိွေနျခင္း၊ စသည့္ အခ်က္မ်ားအျပင္ အထက္ တြင္ ေဖၚျပမထားေသာ အျခားမေ၇ တြက္ႏိႈင္ေသာ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားရိွေနေသးေၾကာင္း စာဖတ္သူအားလံုးသိရိႈျပီးျဖစ္မည္ဟု ယံုၾကည္ ပါသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံရွိ တိုင္း၇င္းသားျပည္သူတ၇ပ္လံုးအတြက္ လြပ္လပ္ေ၇းဟူေသာအႏွစ္သာ၇ ပ်က္သုဥ္း ခဲ့သည္မွာ အႏွစ္(၅၀) ခန္ ့ရွိျပီျဖစ္သည္၊ ထိုလြပ္လပ္ေ၇းပ်က္သုဥ္းခဲ့၇သည္ အဓိကအေၾကာင္း၇င္းမွာ- ၁၉၆၂ခုႏွစ္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္အစိုး၇မွ တိုင္းျပည္ကို လြဲမွားေသာအယူအဆမ်ားျဖင့္ ယုတ္ညံ့စြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ လာသည့္အခ်ိန္မွအစပ်ိဳးခဲ့သည္ကိုလည္းျပည္သူတ၇ပ္လံုးသိရိွျပီးျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ထိုစစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ခါးသီးေသာအေတြ ့အၾကဳံမ်ားကိုနိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ေစ၇န္ ၇ည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ၈၀%ေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သားမ်ား လမ္းေပၚထြက္မိမိ၏ဆႏၵကိုေဖၚထုတ္ျပသည္ကို လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈျပီး မဆလစစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေန၇ာတြင္ ပိုဆိုးရြား ေသာ န၀တစစ္ဘီလူးစနစ္ျဖင့္ အစားထိုး ကာတိုင္းျပည္ကိုယုတ္ကန္းမိုက္မဲစြာဆက္လက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနျပန္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္သည္ တိုင္း၇င္းသားေပါင္းစံုေရွးပေ၀သဏီမွ အတူေနထိုင္လာျပီး နယ္ခ်ဲ ့၇န္အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးကို မိမိေျမမွတိုက္ထုတ္ခဲ့သည့္သမိုင္းမွာအျခားမည္သည့္ႏိုင္ငံတို ့၏သမိုင္းႏွင့္မတူထူးျခားဂုဏ္ယူစ၇ာျဖစ္ သည္၊ ထိုထက္မက ၁၈၁၉-၁၈၃၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဘၾကီးေတာ္ဘု၇ားလက္ထက္ ကခ်င္စစ္သည္မ်ားက စစ္သူၾကီးမဟာဗႏၶဳလႏွင့္အတူ အာသံျပည္သို ့စစ္ခ်ီခဲ့ သည္ကို စာေ၇းဆ၇ာသိမ္းေမာင္က ၁၂၉၃-ခု၊ျပာသိုလျပည့္ေက်ာ္ ၁၀-၇က္(၁၉၃၁ခုႏွစ္) ေ၇းေသာ “ျမန္မာသူ၇ဲေကာင္းမ်ား” အမည္ရွိ အထၳဳပၸတိၱက်မ္း စာမ်က္ႏွာ(၆၂)၌ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း မွတ္တမ္းတင္ ေ၇းသားထားသည္ ကိုေတြ ့ ရွိ၇ပါသည္၊
၆၂ ျမန္မာသူ၇ဲေကာင္း-၂မိုဃ္းေကာင္းအထက္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ေသာအခါ ေတာင္စားဗိုလ္ ေနမ်ိဳးသိန္ပ၇ာဇာက - ကခ်င္သိန္းေဖါ လူတေထာင္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ လိုက္ပါအမႈထမ္းလိုေၾကာင္း ေလွ်ာက္ထားလာသျဖင့္ စစ္ေဆးၾကည့္ရႈျပီးလွ်င္ခြင့္ျပဳလိိုက္ေလ၏။
စစ္သူၾကီးမဟာဗႏၶဳလ၏မဏိပူ၇ အာသံတိုက္ပြဲ အေၾကာင္းကို အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံအာသံျပည္တြင္ယေန ့တိုင္ မွီတင္းေနထိုင္ၾကေသာ ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား(Singpho) အေနျဖင့္ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသားသမိုင္းဆ၇ာမ်ား ထက္မပိုေတာင္ေ၇ာ့ျပီးသိၾကမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ အာသံျပည္တြင္ယခင္ကနာမည္ရွိခဲ့ၾကေသာ NRU RAJA, PISA RAJA, U-RANG DUWA, DAHPA DUWA, DAIHPA DUWA, HPRUP DUWA စေသာ စစ္သူၾကီးမ်ား၏မ်ိဳးဆက္မ်ားေျပာျပေသာ သမိုင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအ၇ ဗမာတပ္မ်ား “အ၀(AVA)” ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွ စစ္သည္အလံုးအ၇င္းျဖင့္ အာသံျပည္သို ့စစ္ခ်ီျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ ဌာေနတိုင္း၇င္းသား ဟူးေကာင္း ဒူ၀ါမ်ားႏွင့္ အာသံျပည္၌ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကေသာကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား၏ အကူအညီျဖင့္ စစ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိ၇သည္၊ သို ့ ေသာ္သမိုင္းတြင္ ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားကို ခ်န္လွပ္ကာ “ငါဗမာကြ” ခံယူခ်က္ျဖင့္ သမိုင္းကိုေ၇းသားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ၀မ္းနဲစြာသိရွိ ၇ပါသည္။
ထိုကဲ့သို ့ဗမာဘု၇င္တို ့ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္းမခံ၇သည့္ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားမွာ ၁၈၉၀-၁၉၂၉ခုႏွစ္ အေမ၇ိကန္သာသနာျပဳ ဆ၇ာ Dr. Ola Hanson ၏ေက်းဇူးျဖင့္သာစာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈရိွေသာ လူမ်ိဳး အဆင့္သို ့ေ၇ာက္ရွိခဲ့ၾက၇သည္။
ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ျပီးေနာက္(၁၉၄၅) ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသားတို ့(ဖဆပလ)၏ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းလႈပ္ရွားမႈတို ့ကို မ်က္ေျခမျပတ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ ေနေသာ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇က ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ကို ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းၾကိဳးပမ္းမႈ မျပဳလုပ္ၾက၇န္ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ေဒသကိုအဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ ၏အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္ ဆက္လက္ထားရွိမွာျဖစ္ျပီး ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးႏွင့္ကခ်င္ေဒသ ကို(၁၀ႏွစ္) အတြင္း တိုးတက္ေခာတ္မွီေသာ လက္ေအာက္ခံကိုလိုနီ အျဖစ္ထားရွိေပးမည္ဟူေသာ ဂတိက၀တ္မ်ားကို အၾကိမ္ ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာျဖင့္ ေျပာဆိုနားခ်ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ၁၇၂၀-၁၈၉၀ခုႏွစ္ အတြင္း အၾကိမ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့ေသာ အဂၤလိပ္-ကခ်င္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားအတြင္း ၇ာ၊ ေထာင္ မကေသာကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကို ၇က္၇က္စက္စက္သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ေသာနယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇မ်ားအား နာက်ဥ္းမုန္းတီးမႈ၊ မယံုၾကည္မႈတို ့ ကတေၾကာင္း၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကိုတေလးတစားဆက္ဆံမႈ၊ သူ၏လုပ္ ေဆာင္ခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဂတိက၀တ္တို ့ကို ယံုၾကည္လက္ခံခဲ့ေသာ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အမ်ားစု အေနျဖင့္ အဂၤလိပ္ အစိုး၇ထံမွ ေတာင္တန္းေျမျပန္ ့မခြဲျခားဘဲလြတ္လပ္ေ၇းေတာင္းဆို၇န္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ သည္၊(၁၉၅၈-၅၉ခုႏွစ္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၀န္ၾကီး ဦး၀ေဘာ္ ေဇာ္၇စ္ ကခ်င္ဘာသာျဖင့္ေ၇းေသာ “ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ကၽြႏု္ပ္ ေတြ ့စဥ္က” စာအုပ္မွ အခ်က္ အလက္အခ်ိဳ ့တင္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။)ထိုစဥ္က ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအေနျဖင့္ မဆလ၊ နအဖ နာမည္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးတပ္ျပီး တိုင္း၇င္းသားျပည္သူမ်ားကို ယခုကဲ့သို ့ကၽြန္ျပဳအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခံ၇မည္ကို တင္ၾကိဳမွန္းဆ ႏိုင္ပါက ကခ်င္ႏွင့္ အျခားတိုင္း၇င္းသားတို ့အေနျဖင့္ ယခုကဲ့သို ့အင္မတန္ယုတ္ညံ့ေကာက္က်စ္စဥ္းလည္းျပီး အဆင့္အတန္း မရွိေသာစစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ား၏ အႏိုင္က်င့္ျခင္းကိုခံ၇စ၇ာအေၾကာင္းမရွိႏိုင္ပါ။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားတို ့၏ ဗမာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအေပၚယံုၾကည္ကိုးစားမႈတို ့မွာျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံလြတ္လပ္ေ၇း ၇ျပီးေနာက္ ၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္မွ စတင္၍ေ၇ာ့နည္းလာသည္သာမက ကခ်င္ေသနတ္ကိုင္ တပ္၇င္း(၁) မွ ဗိုလ္ၾကီးလဖိုင္ေနာ္ဆိုင္း ဦးေဆာင္ျပီး ၁၉၄၉ခု ေဖေဖၚ၀ါ၇ီလ၁၆-၇က္ တြင္အသိအလင္းစတင္ ပုန္ကန္ ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ အားလံုး၏သေဘာတူညီမႈ မ၇ရွိ၍ ထိုပုန္ကန္မႈမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈမ၇ရွိသည္သာမက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဗိုလ္ၾကီးလဖိုင္ေနာ္ဆိုင္းကိုယ္တိုင္တရုပ္ျပည္သို ့ႏိုင္ငံေ၇း ခိုလံုမႈခံယူျပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္းဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္(ဗကပ)ပါတီ ႏွင့္ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္းသိရွိ၇သည္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ဖဆပလေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား အၾကားရွိခဲ့ေသာ ဂတိ က၀တ္မ်ားအနက္ အေ၇းၾကီးေသာ အခ်က္မ်ားထဲမွ (၁) လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီး ေနာက္ ႏိႈင္ငံေတာ္ကိုဖယ္ဒ၇ယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု စနစ္ျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္၇န္ (၂) ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၏ နယ္နမိတ္ သတ္မွတ္ေပး၇န္ တို ့မွာ အလြန္ေ၇းၾကီးေသာ အခ်က္မ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္ အားေလွ်ာ္စြာ ျမန္မာႏိႈင္ငံေတာ္၏ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းေက်ညာသည့္ ၁၉၄၈ ဇႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလ-၄၇က္ေန ့မွ(၆)၇က္အၾကာ ၁၉၄၈ ဇႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလ ၁၀၇က္ ေန ့ကိုကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့အျဖစ္ကမၻာသိ ေက်ျငာခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းမ၇ခင္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ဖဆပလ၏ အတြင္း ေ၇းျပႆနာမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံကိုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္သည့္အ၇ည္အခ်င္းတို ့ကို ေလးေလးနက္မစဥ္းစားဘဲ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့ အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ကိုမုန္းတီးေသာစိတ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကိုယံုၾကည္ေသာစိတ္ စသည့္ ရိုးသားျဖဴစင္ ေသာစိတ္တို ့ျဖင့္ လူမ်ားစုဗမာတိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား ႏွင့္လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းကို၇ယူခဲ့ၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
သို ့ေသာ္ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ျပီးေနာက္ ဗမာအစိုး၇အေနျဖင့္ ဖဆပလအတြင္း ၀ါဒေ၇း၇ာျပႆနာမ်ား မေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ျခင္း၊ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုမႏိုင္းမနင္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနျခင္းတို ့ေၾကာင့္ တိုင္း၇င္းသားတို ့၏ေမွ်ာ္မွန္း ခ်က္တို ့ကိုျဖည့္ဆည္းေပး၇န္ ဗမာအစိုး၇ မွအၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့သည္သာမက ၎ျပႆနာမ်ားကို လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈေနျခင္းတို ့မွာ တိုင္း၇င္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ား ျပည္မအစိုး၇ အေပၚ မ်ားစြာစိတ္ပ်က္ေစသည္ သာမက ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ၾကီးသို ့ဦးတည္လာေစခဲ့သည္။
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇ အေနျဖင့္ျပႆနာ၏ အေျဖမွန္ကို မေျဖရွင္းသည့္ပင္ဆက္လက္၍လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈေန ေသာ္ လည္းတိုင္း၇င္းသား လူမ်ိဳးစုေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား သေဘာထားၾကီးစြာ တိုင္းျပည္၏ျပႆနာမီး ကိုျငိမ္းေစ ၇န္၇ည္သန္ျပီး ၁၉၆၁ ခု၊ ဇြန္လ(၈)၇က္မွ (၁၆)၇က္ အတြင္း ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပိုင္း ေတာင္ၾကီးျမိဳ ့တြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ ျပည္နယ္ေပါင္းစံုညီလာခံၾကီး ကိုက်င္းပကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ တိုင္း၇င္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစု တိုင္းမွႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇သို ့အၾကံျပဳတင္ျပခဲ့ၾကသည္၊ ၿငီလာခံ၌ေဆြးေႏြး ေသာအခ်က္အလက္ မ်ားမွာ “ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ ညြန္ၾကားခ်က္(၇)ခ်က္” အေပၚအေျခခံ၍ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သမိုင္း အေထာက္အထားမ်ား အ၇သိရွိ၇သည္။ ဤညီလာခံၾကီးတြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္မွ တိုင္း၇င္းသားကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဦးဇန္ထားဆင္ မွ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေဆြးေႏြး တင္ျပခဲ့ ေၾကာင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္ “ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခါမွာ ေဆြးေႏြးတာကိုဘဲတခ်ိဳ ့ကဒါဟာနယ္ခ်ဲ ့ ပေယာ၈ပါတယ္ လို ့ စြပ္စြဲတာလဲရွိပါတယ္၊ ဒီမွာကၽြန္ေတာ္တို ့ကျပန္ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို ့ ဟာလြတ္လပ္ေ၇း၇ရွိ ျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ေရွးကနင့္ဘာမွမျခား ပါဘူး။” တဖန္ “ဒီကေန ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္ နယ္မွာအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးေျပာေန ၾကတယ္၊ ဒီေန ့ညီလာခံမွာၾကြေ၇ာက္ လာတဲ့ ကခ်င္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ေတြ ကိုေမးၾကည့္ပါ၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္မွာ သူပုန္လံုး၀မရွိပါဘူး၊ ေနာင္အခါမွာရွိမယ္ မရွိမယ္ေတာ့ မေျပာ ႏိုင္ပါဘူး။” ဟုပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇သို ့ေစတနာျဖင့္တင္ျပ အသိေပးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ကိုလည္း မွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ ၇သည္။
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုး၇အေနျဖင့္ တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ား၏ျငမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေစတနာအျပည့္ျဖင့္တင္ျပခဲ့မႈတို ့ကိုလံုး၀ လွ်စ္လ်ဴရႈဥပကၡာျပဳခဲ့သည္သာ မကဘဲ ၁၉၆၂ မတ္လ (၂)၇က္တြင္ ေန၀င္းစစ္အစိုး၇သို ့ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အာဏာကိုလြဲေျပာင္းေပးသည့္ေျဖရွင္းနည္းျဖင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ ၏ျပႆနာကို ပို၍ရႈပ္ေထြးေသာအေျခအေန သို ့တြန္းပို ့လိုက္၇ာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးဟုန္းကနဲေတာက္ေလာက္ လာေစခဲ့သည္၊ ထိုနစ္ ၁၉၆၂ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါ၇ီလ(၅)၇က္ေန ့ကခ်င္တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားလည္း လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေ၇းကိုအသိ အလင္း စတင္ဆင္ႏြဲလာခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇ မင္းႏိုင္ငံထူေထာင္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ လူမ်ိဳးစုၾကီးမ်ား ကဲ့သို ့မဟုတ္ဘဲ က်ယ္၀န္းေသာေတာင္းတန္းေဒသအတြင္းေစာ္ဘြား၊ဒူ၀ါၾကီးမ်ားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေသာ စနစ္မွ ဆင္းသက္လာေသာမ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုျဖစ္သည့္ အားေလွ်ာ္စြာျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ကိုယ့္မ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုႏွင့္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ကိုယ္တိုင္ဖန္တီး ဆံုးျဖတ္ခြင့္ရွိေသာ၇ပိုင္ခြင့္သာ ႏိုင္ငံ ေတာ္မွအာမခံႏိုင္ပါက ေတာ္လွန္၇န္အေၾကာင္းမရွိသလို ခြဲထြက္ႏိုင္ငံထူေထာင္၇န္လည္း အေၾကာင္း မရွိပါ၊
ကခ်င္အပါအ၀င္ ျမန္မာႏႈိင္ငံရိွ တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားယခုၾကဳံေတြ ့ေနေသာအေျခအေနမွန္မွာ- တိုင္း၇င္း သားမ်ားကိုယ္တိုင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္၇န္အခက္အခဲမ်ိဳးစံုႏွင့္စိမ္ေခၚမႈအမ်ားအျပားရွိလာေနေသာ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈတို ့ကို စစ္အစိုး၇ ကိုယ္တိုင္မေလးစားသည္သာမက စနစ္တက်ဖ်က္ဆီးေျဖာက္ဖ်က္ ေနမႈတို ့ေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိတိုင္း၇င္းသားတို ့၏ ရွိတည္ေနမႈ ကိုပင္ျခမ္းေျခာက္လာေနေသာ အေျခ အေနသည္ လြတ္လပ္ေသာျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အျဖစ္ဆက္လက္ တည္ရွိ၇န္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ ပါ၊ ဗမာစစ္အစိုး၇၏ တိုင္း၇င္းသားမ်ားအေပၚမိုက္မဲစြာ ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ေနေသာအခ်က္အမ်ားအျပား ရွိသည့္ အနက္အေသးဆံုးအမွားတခုဥပမာေျပာ၇၇င္- သတင္းစာနယ္ဇင္းမ်ား၊ ရုံးသံုးစာမ်ားတြင္ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳး လူနာမည္ေ၇းသား ေဖၚျပ၇ာတြင္မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ ေမာင္လွဂ်ာ၊ ဦးလွဂ်ာ ဟူ၍သာေဖၚျပေ၇းသားျပီး ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့၏အိမ္ေထာင္စုမ်ိဳးရိုးနာမည္ ကိုအသိအမွတ္ျပဳေ၇းသားေဖၚျပျခင္းမရွိသည္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း မ်ားစြာၾကာျမင့္ေနျပီျဖစ္သည္၊ တကယ္ဆို ဦးမ၇န္ လွဂ်ာ၊ ေမာင္ လဖိုင္ လဂ်ာ ဟုသာေ၇းသားေဖၚျပ သင့္ပါသည္၊ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့သည္ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ပါ၊ မယားပါသားလည္း မဟုတ္ၾကပါ၊ တိုင္းတပါး နယ္ခ်ဲ ့တို ့၏လက္ေအာက္မွ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းကိုသေဘာတူညီစြာ၇ယူခဲ့ၾကေသာ တိုင္း၇င္းသားအခ်င္း ခ်င္းျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ အတိုင္း တဦးႏွင့္တဦး မတူညီေသာယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ဓေလ့ထံုးစံမ်ားကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ အျပန္အလွန္ေလးစားၾကျခင္းျဖင့္သာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကိုတည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ဗမာမင္းႏိုင္ငံေခာတ္မွ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားႏွင့္ဆက္ဆံခဲ့ေသာ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳး အခ်င္းခ်င္းၾကား လူမႈေ၇း ဆက္ဆံျခင္း၊ စာေ၇းဆက္သြယ္ၾကျခင္းမ်ား ကိုနားမလည္ဘဲ ၂၁-၁၁-၂၀၀၉ ၇က္ေန ့ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာတြင္ NDAK နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္မွ ဗိုလ္ယိန္းနန္ ဆိုသူက KIA တပ္မွ သူငယ္ခ်င္းဘ၇န္ေရွာင္ဆိုသူသို ့ဗထူးတပ္ျမိဳ ့မွေ၇းလိုက္ေသာ စာေၾကာင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ားစုမွာ ေတာ္ ေတာ္ေလးစိတ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ၾကသည္၊ ကခ်င္လိုဟန္ေဆာင္ျပီး၀ါဒျဖန္ ့လိုလွ်င္ ကခ်င္တို ့၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈႏွင့္ အခ်င္းခ်င္းစာေ၇းသည့္အခါထားသည့္သေဘာထားမ်ားကိုသိဖို ့လိုပါသည္၊ ထိုစာမွာ ကခ်င္လူထု အတြင္း၀ါဒျဖန္ ့စာ ျဖစ္မလာဘဲ ၇ီစ၇ာ စက္ဆုတ္ဖြယ္စာ တစ္ေစာင္အျဖစ္သာရွိခဲ့သည္ကို ထိုစာေ၇း သူသိမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။
တဖန္ ၂၀၀၉ခု၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၂၆-၂၈ အတြင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၊၂-မိုင္ ေအာင္သာတြင္ ကခ်င္ရိုး၇ာေကာက္သစ္ စားပြဲႏွင့္ မေနာပြဲေတာ္က်င္းပ၇န္ စီစဥ္ထားေသာ မေနာကြင္းကိုေျမလွန္ ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ ပြဲေတာ္ျပီးဆံုးသည့္အခ်ိန္၌ မေနာတိုင္ မ်ားကိုျဖိဳဖ်က္ခိုင္းျခင္းတို ့မွာ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား မ်ားကို စစ္ေက်ညာလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္၊ ဘိုးေဘးဘီဘင္လက္ထက္မွ ဆင္းသက္ခဲ့ ေသာရိုး၇ာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈသမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇ မေနာပြဲက်င္းပ၇န္ စီစဥ္ထားေသာ ေျမေန၇ာကို မည္သူတဦး တေယာက္မွ် ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ေႏွာက္ယွက္ျခင္းမျပဳလုပ္၇ပါ၊ ယုတ္အစြဆံုး ညေနပိုင္း ေန၀င္ ခ်ိန္မွစ၍ မေနာကြင္းအတြင္းမည္သည့္ လူပု၈ၢိဳလ္မွ် ၀င္ထြက္သြား လာျခင္း မျပဳၾက၇ေတာ့ပါ၊ ကခ်င္ အမ်ိဳးသားတို ့ ယခင္နတ္စား(ရိုး၇ာ) သည့္ကာလတြင္ ေန၀င္ သည့္ အခ်ိန္မွေနာက္တမနက္ ေနထြက္ လာသည့္အခ်ိန္တိုင္ နတ္ေကာင္းနတ္ျမတ္တို ့အတြက္သတ္မွတ္ ထားေသာအခ်ိန္အျဖစ္ သိရွိ၇ျပီး မေနာကြင္းကိုဖ်က္ဆီးေႏွာက္ယွက္သူမွန္သမွ် ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား မ်ား၏၇န္သူအျဖစ္ေက်ညာလိုက္ ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ထိုမေနာကြင္းကိုဖ်က္ဆီးသူ(သို ့) ဖ်က္ဆီး၇န္ ညႊန္ၾကားသူ မ်ား၏မိသားစု ေဆြစဥ္မ်ိဳးဆက္အားလံုးလည္း အေသဆိုးျဖင့္ ေသၾက၇သည္သာမက အကုသိုလ္မ်ားကိုခံစားၾက၇ ေၾကာင္းရိုး၇ာမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ တဖန္ ယခင္ရိုး၇ာဥပေဒမ်ားအ၇ မေနာတိုင္မ်ားကို စိုက္ထူျပီးသည့္ေနာက္ တစ္ႏွစ္(၁၂လ) အတြင္း မႏုတ္၇၊ မဖ်က္ဆီး၇ပါ၊ အကယ္၍ မေနာတုိင္စိုက္ ထူျပီးေနာက္ ထိုေဒသအတြင္း တဦးတေယာက္ေသဆံုးခဲ့လ်င္ေတာင္မွ ေျမကိုတူးဆြျပီး ျမဳပ္ႏွံသျ၈ိဳလ္ ျခင္းမလုပ္ၾက၇ပါ၊ အထက္ပါရိုး၇ာ ဥပေဒမ်ားကိုမလိုက္ႏွာဘဲ မေနာတိုင္မ်ားကို ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း၊ ႏုတ္ျခင္းအမႈကိုက်ဴးလြန္သူ(သို ့) စီစဥ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ သူမွန္သမွ် ကပ္ၾကီးေလးပါးႏွင့္ ၇င္ဆိုင္ၾက၇ ေၾကာင္းသမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ ကခ်င္တို ့၏အျမင့္ဆံုး ရိုး၇ာျဖစ္ သည့္ မေနာ ပြဲေတာ္ကိုဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ေသာ အစိုး၇ဟူ၍ ယခုလက္ရွိႏိုင္ငံကိုမတ၇ားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည့္ စစ္အစိုး၇မွတပါး အျခားမည္သည့္ အစိုး၇မွ် မရွိခဲ့ပါ၊ မဆလ၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇၊ ဖက္စစ္ဂ်ပန္ အစိုး၇တို ့ပင္ ေလးစား ခံခဲ့၇ေသာ အျမင့္ဆံုးရိုး၇ာအျဖစ္ရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇ ပါသည္။ ကခ်င္ တို ့၏အျမင့္ဆံုးရိုး၇ာကိုဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ေသာ ဤစစ္အစိုး၇အေပၚမည္သို ့ေသာကပ္ဆိုးၾကီး မ်ားမည္သို ့ က်ေ၇ာက္လာမည္ကို မသိရွိ၇ေသာ္လည္း မေ၇တြက္ႏိုင္ေသာ ျပႆနာေပါင္းစံုႏွင့္ ယခုပင္စတင္ ၇င္ဆိုင္ေနၾက၇ျပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းေလ့လာေတြ ့ရွိ၇သည္။
စစ္အစိုး၇အေနျဖင့္ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့၏ရိုး၇ာမေနာတိုင္ႏွင္ ့မေနာကြင္းတို ့အားဖ်က္ဆီးေနျခင္း၏ စိတ္၇င္း သေဘာထားအမွန္ မွာ- ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၌ကခ်င္တို ့၏ရိုး၇ာအထိမ္းအမွတ္ေက်ာက္တိုင္မ်ား သမိုင္း အဆက္ဆက္တည္ရွိသြားမည္ကိုေၾကာက္ရြံ ့ေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၀ါ၇င့္ကခ်င္ႏိုင္ငံေ၇း သုေတတီ မ်ား၏ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္မ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊
သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအ၇ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့သည္ ရွမ္းအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ သမိုင္း၌ထင္ရွားခဲ့ေသာ Kingdom of Pong အတြင္းတည္ရိွခဲ့ေသာျမိဳ ့ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းမွတ္သား၇သည္၊ တဖန္ ၁၈၇၁ခုႏွစ္ Dr. John Anderson ေ၇းသားထားေသာ A REPORT ON THE EXPEDITION TO WESTERN YUNAN စာအုပ္စာမ်က္ႏွာ၂၁၆ ၌ေဖၚျပထားေသာဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ဆိုသည္မွာ-
Bhamo, situated in latitude 24 ံ16’ North, longitude 96 ံ47’ East, on a high prominence on the left bank of the Irawady, about two miles below the mouth of the Tapeng River, is a narrow town one mile in length. There are four gates, one at either end, and two on the eastern side, and all are closed immediately after sunset. A guard is stationed at each of the two extreme ones; and four or five outlooks in the form of thatched huts, perched at intervals on the top of the stockade, are called into requisition when an attack is expected from the dreaded Kakhyens(Kachins). It contains about 500 houses, and allowing five persons to each, the population may be estimated at 2,500 persons, and it may be referred to two portions, one Chinese and the other Shan.
ထိုအခ်ိန္က ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့တြင္ဗမာကုန္သည္အခ်ိဳ ့ႏွင့္ ဗမာ၀န္တဦးေနထိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေဖၚျပထားျပီး အမ်ားစုမွာ ရွမ္းႏွင့္တရုပ္ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ Kakhyens(Kachins)ေက်းရြာမ်ားမွာ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ အား၀န္း၇ံထားေၾကာင္း ထိုစာအုပ္တြင္ေဖၚ ျပပါရွိသည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင့္ပါတ္သက္၍တခါ လြတ္လပ္ေ၇းမ၇ခင္ ဖဆပလ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၏သေဘာတူညီခ်က္အ၇ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ပါ၀င္ေ၇း၌ ထိုစဥ္က ဗန္းေမာ္ခရိုင္အတြင္း ၂၆.၀% ခန္ ့ေနထိုင္ေသာ ဗမာအမ်ိဳးသား လူနည္းစု၏ကန္ ့ကြက္ေနမႈေၾကာင့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ နယ္နမိတ္သတ္မွတ္ေ၇းလုပ္ငန္းၾကန္ ့ၾကာေနျခင္းကို ဖဆပလေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားစိတ္ ပ်က္ခဲ့ၾကသလို ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကလည္းအေတာ္စိတ္ရွည္ခဲ့၇ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ား အ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ အကယ္၍ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့သည္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္နမိတ္အတြင္းသတ္မွတ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ျခင္းမရွိပါက ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ လူမ်ားစုဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားႏွင့္ အဂၤလိပ္အစိုး၇ထံမွလြတ္လပ္ေ၇း အတူ၇ယူ စ၇ာအေၾကာင္းလည္း လံုး၀ မရွိေၾကာင္းသိရွိ၇သည္။
၁၉၄၇ခုႏွစ္တြင္ပုံႏွိပ္ထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့ေသာ FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY 1947 REPORT, PART I စာအုပ္၌ ဗန္းေမာ္ခရိုင္၏ လူမ်ိဳးစုလိုက္ လူဦးေ၇စာ၇င္းကိုလည္းေအာက္ပါ အတိုင္းသိရွိႏိုင္သည္၊
Bhamo District.
Area …. …. 4,148 sq. miles
Total Population …. 129,000
Part I Population …. 52,000
Part II Population …. 77.000
Population by Races.
Kachin …. …. 49,794 or 38.6%
Shan …. …. 36,765 or 28.5%
Burma Group …. …. 33,540 or 26.0%
Indian, Chinese and others … 8,901 or 6.9%
အထက္၌ေဖၚျပခဲ့သည့္အတိုင္း သမိုင္းတေလွ်ာက္ ကခ်င္ေဒသတြင္းရွမ္းအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ျမိဳ ့ရြာတည္ ေထာင္ျပီးေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကသလို ေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွမ္းျပည္ေန၇ာအနံ ့ကခ်င္လူမိ်ဳးမ်ား ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းမ်ားအ၇သိရွိ၇သည္၊ အထက္ေဖၚျပျပီး ခဲ့ေသာ FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY 1947 REPORT, PART I စာအုပ္တြင္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွမ္းျပည္ရွိ လူဦးေ၇စာ၇င္း ကိုလူမ်ိဳးစုအလိုက္ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေဖၚျပထားသည္။
Northern Shan States.
Area … … 21,400 sq. miles
Total Population.
Federated States … … 690,000
Unfederated Wa States … 82,614
Population by Races.
Shan and Lolo Moso … … 333,960 or 44%
Palaung. Wa … … 220,000 or 28%
Indians, Chinese and others … 93,840 or 12%
Kachins … … 71,070 or 9%
Burma Group … … 53,130 or 7%
ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင့္ပါတ္သက္၍ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္ႏြယ္မႈတို ့ကိုတင္ျပ၇လွ်င္ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ေထာင္ခ်ီ၍တင္ျပလည္းျပီး ႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ၊ လို၇င္းကိုတင္ျပ၇ေသာ္- နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္တို ့ အထက္ ဗမာျပည္ကို က်ဴးေက်ာ္၀င္ေ၇ာက္ သိမ္းပိုက္စဥ္ အခါကေသာ္၄င္း၊ တဖန္ဖက္စစ္ဂ်ပန္မ်ား၀င္ေ၇ာက္ လာေသာအခ်ိန္တြင္ေသာ္၄င္း ဗန္းေမာ္အ၇ပ္၌ ကခ်င္ဒူ၀ါၾကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္သည္အေျမာက္အမ်ား အသက္ေသြးေပါင္းေျမာက္မ်ားစြာေပးလွဴကာကြယ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္း မ်ားမွသိရွိ၇သည္။
၁၈၉၈ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားတပ္ခြဲမွဴး အူး၈်စ္လ(Ujik La) ဦးစီးျပီး ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားသာ ပါ၀င္ေသာ စစ္ပုလိပ္(Military Police) တပ္ခြဲ(အင္အား ၁၂၀ခန္ ့) ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၏လံုျခံဳေ၇းတာ၀န္ ကိုစတင္ယူစဥ္ကာလက ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၌ ကခ်င္အိမ္ေထာင္စုေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္းသိရွိ ၇သည္။ (A BURMESE ARCADY BY MAJOR C. M. ENRIQUEZ-1923) စာအုပ္မွကိုးကားသည္။
အထက္၌ေဖၚျပခဲ့ေသာ ကခ်င္စစ္ပုလိပ္(Kachin Military Police) တပ္ခြဲသည္ ၁၉၁၆ခုနစ္မွ First Regular Kachin Army သို ့ေျပာင္းလည္းဖြဲ ့စည္းလိုက္ျပီး၊ ၁၉၁၇ခုႏွစ္ ဂ်ဴလိုင္လ-၃၀၇က္ေန ့တြင္ ပထမကမၻာစစ္(WW I) ကာလ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္တို ့၏ေရွ ့တန္းစစ္မ်က္ႏွာတခု ျဖစ္ေသာ Mesopotamia(ယခုအေခၚ-အီ၇တ္ႏိုင္ငံ) သို ့ေစလြတ္ျခင္းခံ၇ျပီး ထိုစစ္ပြဲ၌ဂုဏ္ထူးေဆာင္ဘြဲ ့တံဆိပ္ အမ်ားအျပား၇ရွိသည္ သာမက ကခ်င္ေသြးနီေၾကာင္း ကမၻာကိုျပသခြင့္၇ေသာ အေ၇းၾကီး သည့္ သမိုင္း၀င္အေထာက္အထားတ၇ပ္အျဖစ္ မွတ္သားထားသင့္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိ၇သည္။
ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင့္ပါသက္၍ ေဖၚျပေန၇ျခင္းမွာ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့၌ဘိုးေဘးဘီဘင္လက္ထက္မွ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾက ေသာကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား မိမိတို ့၏ရိုး၇ာယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ဖ်က္ဆီး၊ ပိတ္ပင္ေနေသာ စစ္အစိုး ၇တို ့ လက္နက္အားကိုးအႏိုင္က်င့္ေစာ္ကားခံေန၇ေသာ ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္၊ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့သည္ ကခ်င္ျပည္ နယ္ရွိျမိဳ ့တျမိဳ ့ျဖစ္ျပီး ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့တြင္မွီတင္းေနထိုင္ေသာ တိုင္း၇င္းသားတို၏ ျမိဳ ့သာျဖစ္သင့္ သည္၊ ဆိုလိုသည္မွာ- ရွမ္း၊ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအတြက္ ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့အေ၇းၾကီးသလို ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား အတြက္ လည္းအထက္ေဖၚျပခဲ့သည့္အတိုင္း အေ၇းၾကီးသည့္သမိုင္း၀င္ျမိဳ ့တျမိဳ ့ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းအထင္ အရွားေတြ ့ရွိ၇ပါသည္။
ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ လက္နက္အားကိုးမိုက္ရိုင္းေသာစစ္အစိုး၇မွ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ မ်ားမရွိေသာ ကခ်င္ေက်းရြာမ်ား၌ ေစတီပုထိုးမ်ား တည္ေဆာက္ ေနျခင္းမ်ားျမင္ေတြ ့ ေနေသာ္လည္း ယဥ္ေက်းျပီးေသာကခ်င္မ်ား အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ဖ်က္ဆီး ၾကမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။
တခါတေလစဥ္းစားၾကည့္တယ္ ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္ကတည္းက တပ္မွဴးေတြျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီ ေမာင္ေအးနဲ ့ သန္းေရႊ ရူးမ်ားရူးေန ၾကျပီးလား? ဒါမွမဟုတ္ Psychopath ေတြမ်ားလား? အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးစဥ္းစားၾကည့္ တယ္ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အမ်ားၾကီးက အဲဒီလမ္းစဥ္ဘဲေလွ်ာက္ေနၾကတာ ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္ကတည္း ကဆိုေတာ့ တခုခုေတာ့လြဲေနျပီဆိုတာေသခ်ာေနျပီ၊
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ထဲက တိုင္း၇င္းသားအားလံုး ဂ်ႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလ(၁၀)၇က္ေန ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့ကို အျမင့္ ျမတ္ဆံုး ရိုး၇ာနဲ ့ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ရႊင္က်င္းပဖို ့ေျမွာ္လင့္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္၊ ပြဲေတာ္၇က္နားကပ္လာခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ပြဲေတာ္ကို စစ္အစိုး၇၇ဲ ့စိတ္ၾကိဳက္ အစီအစဥ္အတိုင္းျဖစ္သြားခဲ့တယ္၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္ နဲ ့ ဖက္စစ္ ဂ်ပန္အစိုုး၇ေတာင္ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေပးခံ၇တဲ့ မေနာပြဲေတာ္ဟာ ယုတ္ညံ့တဲ့စစ္အစိုး၇၇ဲ ့ေစာ္ကားျခင္း ကိုေနာက္တၾကိမ္ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားျမိဳ ့မွာထပ္ျပီးခံ၇တာပါဘဲ၊ ဒီအျပဳအမူဟာ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးထု အားလံုးကို ေစာ္ကားလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အနယ္နယ္အ၇ပ္၇ပ္မွ ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ေျပာျပခ်က္အ၇ သိရွိ၇သည္၊ ကခ်င္နာမည္ကိုပင္ မွန္ေအာင္မေခၚႏိုင္ေသာ ဗမာစစ္ဘီလူးမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေပးမွ ပြဲျဖစ္ မည့္ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားတို ့၏ အျမင့္ျမတ္ဆံုး ရိုး၇ာ၏ အနာဂတ္သည္လည္း ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားကို လမ္းဆံုလမ္းခြသို ့ပို ့ေပးေနေသာအခ်က္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္းသိရွိ၇ပါသည္။ ရိုး၇ာမေနာပြဲေတာ္က်င္းပ ေ၇းညိွႏိႈင္းအစည္းအေ၀းမွတ္တမ္းအ၇ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ပါ၀င္မႈကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေတြ ့ရွိ၇ မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
လွ်ိဳ ့၀ွက္
၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၃၀ ၇က္ေန ့ ၁၃၁၅ နာ၇ီအခ်ိန္တြင္ စီတာပူ၇ပ္ကြက္၊ မေနာကြင္း အတြင္းရွိ မေနာအိမ္ေတာ္၌ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ေသာ (၆၂)ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့ အခမ္းအနား ႏွင့္ ရိုး၇ာမေနာပြဲေတာ္ အခမ္းအနား က်င္းပေ၇း ညိွႏိႈင္းအစညိးအေ၀းအစည္းအေ၀းတက္ေ၇ာက္လာသူမ်ားေအာက္ပါပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားတက္ေ၇ာက္ၾကပါသည္-
(က) ဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး တင္ေမာင္၀င္း တုိင္းဦးစီး
(ခ) ဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး ျမတ္ေက်ာ္ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာမွဴး
(ဂ) ဒုတိယဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး သက္ပံု စစ္ဦးစီးမွဴး(ပထမတန္း)
(င) ဒုတိယဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီး ၇ဲထြဋ္ တပ္၇င္းမွဴး၊ အမွတ္(၂၆၀)
(ဃ) ဗိုလ္မွဴး တင္ေဇာ္ဦး ယာယီတပ္၇င္းမွဴး၊ အမွတ္(၂၁)
(စ) ဗိုလ္မွဴး ၇ဲမင္းေအာင္ ယာယီတပ္၇င္းမွဴး၊ အမွတ္(၅၈)
(ဆ) ဒုတိယ၇ဲမွဴးၾကီး ျမင့္ေအာင္ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားခရိုင္၇ဲတပ္ဖြဲ ့မွဴး
(ဇ) ဦးသိန္းထြန္းဦး ျမစ္ၾကီးနားခရိုင္ လ၀က
(စ်) ဦး၀င္းေမာ္ ဦးစီးအ၇ာရွိ၊ ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေ၇းႏွင့္ဖြံ ့ျဖိဳးေ၇းေကာင္စီ
(ည) ေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္ေႏွာင္း ဒုတိယဦးစီး၊ ျပန္ၾကားေ၇း
(ဋ) ဦးဇုန္းတိန္ ့ ပြဲေတာ္နယက
(႒) ဦးလဖိုင္ဂြန္ဂ်ာ ဥကၠ႒၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့မေနာပြဲေတာ္ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေ၇း
(ဍ) ဦးေဖၚလားဂမ္ဖန္ ဒု ဥကၠ႒၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန ့မေနာပြဲေတာ္ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေ၇း
(ဎ) ဗိုလ္ၾကီး စိုးပိုင္ တပ္စုမွဴး၊ လံုျခံဳေ၇း
(ဏ) ဗိုလ္ၾကီး စည္သူ မွတ္တမ္းတင္။
လွ်ိဳ ့၀ွက္
အထက္ေဖၚျပပါ အေၾကင္းအ၇ာတို ့သည္ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ေန ့စဥ္ေတြ ့ၾကံဳခံစားေန၇ေသာ စစ္အစိုး ၇၏ လက္နက္အားကိုး အႏိုင္က်င့္ေစာ္ကားခံေန၇ေသာအခ်က္မ်ား မပါ၀င္ဘဲ ၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္ ႏို၀င္ဘာ လမွ ၂၀၁၀ ဂ်ႏၷ၀ါ၇ီလအထိ(၃)လအတြင္း ဗန္းေမာ္ျမိဳ ့ႏွင္ ့ျမစ္ၾကီးနားျမိဳ ့တို ့တြင္က်င္းပခဲ့သည္ ကခ်င္ရိုး၇ာ မေနာပြဲေတာ္ႏွင့္ပါတ္သက္ျပီး တင္ျပျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Overseas Kachin Association ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ မိမိေခါင္းေပၚသို ့က်လာသည့္ သစ္ရြက္ေျခာက္ ကိုပင္ ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်၇န္ ၀န္မေလးေသာ န၀တဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးမ်ား စိတ္ၾကိဳက္စီစဥ္ ထားေသာ ၂၀၁၀ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို လံုး၀အယံုအၾကည္မရွိသည္သာမက အသိအမွတ္လည္းလံုး၀မျပဳပါေၾကာင္းတင္ျပလိုက္၇ပါသည္။ ။
OVERSEAS KACHIN ASSOCIATION
January 19, 2010
OVERSEAS KACHIN ASSOCIATION STATEMENT
OVERSEAS KACHIN ASSOCIATION’s Statement on SPDC demands on the Kachin Independence Army and other ethnic nationality ceasefire armies
The New Light of Myanmar or Myanmar Ahlin, the official news organ of the military government of Burma/Myanmar, has offered daily editorials since September 12, 2009, specifically intended to intimidate and threaten Kachin and other ethnic national armies that stand opposed to its ruthless rule and policies.
The following statement is issued by the Overseas Kachin Association in response to constant and unmitigated provocation by the SPDC:
I. If the SPDC wishes to hold a genuinely successful national election in 2010, it must first genuinely correct its own performance in the following areas:
A. The SPDC must sincerely ask forgiveness from the citizens of the nation for its excessively violent and oppressive behavior, which has been exponentially worse than the worst moments the country experienced as a British colony.
B. The SPDC must confess guilt to the murder of at least 8500 innocent Kachin civilians, since 1962,* and pay their families or next of kin fair and equitable reparation as penalty for the crimes.
C. The SPDC must assume full responsibility for the wanton burning, looting and total obliteration of at least 1800 rural Kachin villages since 1962, and sincerely ask for forgiveness for these atrocities from, and make remedial payments to, the innocent surviving victims.
D. The SPDC must beg for forgiveness and pay equitable reparation to those Kachin women who have been brutally raped and violently treated, or their families; there are at least 1200 recorded such instances.
E. The SPDC must immediately stop the massive resettlement of more than hundreds of thousands of Burmans, since 1962, from lower Burma to Kachin State, by providing subsidies and other inducements.
F. Since 1962, Kachin people have been inhibited via intimidation, and prohibited by regulation from observing their traditional culture and customs. Kachins are not allowed to teach our native language. As an additional example, our sacred manau ritual fields have been used to celebrate the Burmese water festival which is secular and often characterized by unrestrained licentiousness.
G. The SPDC must immediately stop the military government’s intention and practice of excluding Kachins from participating in Kachin State government by seriously curtailing the opportunity and the frequent arbitrary dismissal of Kachins who are in state government service.
H. The SPDC must immediately remove all restrictions and barriers imposed since 1962, upon use and teaching of native language and literature programs of the ethnic nationalities.
II. If the Burman military government wants to see the KIA turn into a Border Guard Force(BGF) type of organization, then it must first implement the following.
A. The SPDC must withdraw all its troops and command posts from Kachin State.
B. The SPDC must stop immediately the negating and ignoring of ethnic nationality rights; heretofore, repeated reminders of this issue have fallen on deaf ears. This issue must be the priority of any talks henceforth.
C. The core purpose of the SPDC government’s desire for detente with the KIA is to advance its own agenda; the SPDC’s agenda does not include any consideration of the Kachins’ agenda which the KIA has advocated and defended these many years. The military government has resorted to bribery, intimidation and divide-and-rule tactics against leaders in the Kachin opposition. We demand that the SPDC government face up to the fact that its own agenda is entirely self-serving and that it contradicts the wishes of the citizens of the country. The SPDC government must immediately begin amending its thinking, behavior, attitude, philosophy and course of action.
D. Any agreement for detente should entail the SPDC’s complete withdrawing of troops, reduction of zones of control, and ceasing intimidation of civilians through displays of military power.
We demand that these above mentioned and other egregious behaviors and actions stop immediately.
Executive Committee
Overseas Kachin Association
September 19, 2009
The New Light of Myanmar or Myanmar Ahlin, the official news organ of the military government of Burma/Myanmar, has offered daily editorials since September 12, 2009, specifically intended to intimidate and threaten Kachin and other ethnic national armies that stand opposed to its ruthless rule and policies.
The following statement is issued by the Overseas Kachin Association in response to constant and unmitigated provocation by the SPDC:
I. If the SPDC wishes to hold a genuinely successful national election in 2010, it must first genuinely correct its own performance in the following areas:
A. The SPDC must sincerely ask forgiveness from the citizens of the nation for its excessively violent and oppressive behavior, which has been exponentially worse than the worst moments the country experienced as a British colony.
B. The SPDC must confess guilt to the murder of at least 8500 innocent Kachin civilians, since 1962,* and pay their families or next of kin fair and equitable reparation as penalty for the crimes.
C. The SPDC must assume full responsibility for the wanton burning, looting and total obliteration of at least 1800 rural Kachin villages since 1962, and sincerely ask for forgiveness for these atrocities from, and make remedial payments to, the innocent surviving victims.
D. The SPDC must beg for forgiveness and pay equitable reparation to those Kachin women who have been brutally raped and violently treated, or their families; there are at least 1200 recorded such instances.
E. The SPDC must immediately stop the massive resettlement of more than hundreds of thousands of Burmans, since 1962, from lower Burma to Kachin State, by providing subsidies and other inducements.
F. Since 1962, Kachin people have been inhibited via intimidation, and prohibited by regulation from observing their traditional culture and customs. Kachins are not allowed to teach our native language. As an additional example, our sacred manau ritual fields have been used to celebrate the Burmese water festival which is secular and often characterized by unrestrained licentiousness.
G. The SPDC must immediately stop the military government’s intention and practice of excluding Kachins from participating in Kachin State government by seriously curtailing the opportunity and the frequent arbitrary dismissal of Kachins who are in state government service.
H. The SPDC must immediately remove all restrictions and barriers imposed since 1962, upon use and teaching of native language and literature programs of the ethnic nationalities.
II. If the Burman military government wants to see the KIA turn into a Border Guard Force(BGF) type of organization, then it must first implement the following.
A. The SPDC must withdraw all its troops and command posts from Kachin State.
B. The SPDC must stop immediately the negating and ignoring of ethnic nationality rights; heretofore, repeated reminders of this issue have fallen on deaf ears. This issue must be the priority of any talks henceforth.
C. The core purpose of the SPDC government’s desire for detente with the KIA is to advance its own agenda; the SPDC’s agenda does not include any consideration of the Kachins’ agenda which the KIA has advocated and defended these many years. The military government has resorted to bribery, intimidation and divide-and-rule tactics against leaders in the Kachin opposition. We demand that the SPDC government face up to the fact that its own agenda is entirely self-serving and that it contradicts the wishes of the citizens of the country. The SPDC government must immediately begin amending its thinking, behavior, attitude, philosophy and course of action.
D. Any agreement for detente should entail the SPDC’s complete withdrawing of troops, reduction of zones of control, and ceasing intimidation of civilians through displays of military power.
We demand that these above mentioned and other egregious behaviors and actions stop immediately.
Executive Committee
Overseas Kachin Association
September 19, 2009
Thursday, January 7, 2010
OVERSEAS KACHIN ASSOCIATION - WUNPAWNG NSEN
JINGHPAW MUNGDAW MASAT LADU HKRUM MANAU 2010
Wunpawng amyu sha ni hpang de ndau dat ai
Jinghpaw Mungdaw, Munghpawm Myen Mung, ngu nna 10 January 1948 hta masat tawn sai re. Tim, 1962 kaw nna dai ni du hkra, mungdan masa hpe Myen hpyen hpung gaw, ntsa nna dip ga-up tawn, shagyeng shakyet ai hku uphkang ai hpe hkam sha ra saga ai. Shaning 2010 Mungdaw masat ladu hkrum aten du yang, anhte amyu yawng hpe jut e gawt matsut bang tawn sai, ngu ai hpe mu lu nga ai.
Hpyen masa hte ga-up dip sha hkrum ai aten hta, amyu masa lam gaw, adaw achyen ahkyep alep ayai aya rai mat wa sai; nga sat nga sa lam, amyu masa lam hte daidaw ahkaw ahkang ni hpe n tat kau mayu, marit la ga tim, gam maka gaw, anhte a hkrun lam hta hkrang langai sha, n-gun atsam langai sha, n rai mat sai. Mung shawa hte rawt malan hpyen hpung a lapran e mung, ya aten hta, n myit mada n byin shangun mayu tim, rau mazum lu ai lam nau n nga mat wa ai majaw, lapran e manam zawn zawn, masha katsing shada zawn zawn nga nna myit hta shang wa mahka rai wa nga ai.
Jinghpaw Mungdaw masat 62 lang ladu hkum ai manau poi hpe Myitkyina e galaw mahka rai sai. Anhte a htung labau hta manau poi e, buga jut magup de nna du sa ai makyin jinghku ni shada da kabu gara myit pyaw let hkrum zup jawm manau lu ai aten re. Dip ga-up zingri zingrat hkrum ai prat hta ndai zawn shada myiman madun hkat nna, amyu langai sha, myit mang maren, amyu lam hta grim grim lagaw lahkam htawt sa wa na rai ga ai, ngu ai lailen n nga mat wa sai. Ndai hpe ya aten hta sharai la ga, lailen madun ga law, ngu lajin dat ai.
2010 Mungdaw manau de KIA Shanglawt Hpyen Hpung gaw, hpyen hking hte hkrem sa du manau lawm na re. Amyu shawa ni e, anhte hpe dip ga-up ai ni mu nan mu mada lu hkra, anhte a hpyen hpung malawm ni hpe kabu aw-law let hkap bawp hkalum la ga. Anhte kabu myit rawt ai nsen gaw, lamu ganghkau ting hta hpungtang garu mat wa hkra rai u ga. Anhte shada hkap hkalum la hkat ai majaw anhte hpe dip gamyet ai ni a myit hta hkra mat wa hkra, n hkrit n tsang, n gamyin, n lanyan ai sha, Wunpawng amyu shawa gaw, tinang amyu a Rawt Malan hpyen ma ni hpe tsaw ra madi shadaw nga ai, ngu ai hpe madun dan ai lailen shapraw ga, ngu shadut lajin ndau dat ai.
7 January 2010
OKA a malai, Sara Kaba Dr. Maran La Raw
Wunpawng amyu sha ni hpang de ndau dat ai
Jinghpaw Mungdaw, Munghpawm Myen Mung, ngu nna 10 January 1948 hta masat tawn sai re. Tim, 1962 kaw nna dai ni du hkra, mungdan masa hpe Myen hpyen hpung gaw, ntsa nna dip ga-up tawn, shagyeng shakyet ai hku uphkang ai hpe hkam sha ra saga ai. Shaning 2010 Mungdaw masat ladu hkrum aten du yang, anhte amyu yawng hpe jut e gawt matsut bang tawn sai, ngu ai hpe mu lu nga ai.
Hpyen masa hte ga-up dip sha hkrum ai aten hta, amyu masa lam gaw, adaw achyen ahkyep alep ayai aya rai mat wa sai; nga sat nga sa lam, amyu masa lam hte daidaw ahkaw ahkang ni hpe n tat kau mayu, marit la ga tim, gam maka gaw, anhte a hkrun lam hta hkrang langai sha, n-gun atsam langai sha, n rai mat sai. Mung shawa hte rawt malan hpyen hpung a lapran e mung, ya aten hta, n myit mada n byin shangun mayu tim, rau mazum lu ai lam nau n nga mat wa ai majaw, lapran e manam zawn zawn, masha katsing shada zawn zawn nga nna myit hta shang wa mahka rai wa nga ai.
Jinghpaw Mungdaw masat 62 lang ladu hkum ai manau poi hpe Myitkyina e galaw mahka rai sai. Anhte a htung labau hta manau poi e, buga jut magup de nna du sa ai makyin jinghku ni shada da kabu gara myit pyaw let hkrum zup jawm manau lu ai aten re. Dip ga-up zingri zingrat hkrum ai prat hta ndai zawn shada myiman madun hkat nna, amyu langai sha, myit mang maren, amyu lam hta grim grim lagaw lahkam htawt sa wa na rai ga ai, ngu ai lailen n nga mat wa sai. Ndai hpe ya aten hta sharai la ga, lailen madun ga law, ngu lajin dat ai.
2010 Mungdaw manau de KIA Shanglawt Hpyen Hpung gaw, hpyen hking hte hkrem sa du manau lawm na re. Amyu shawa ni e, anhte hpe dip ga-up ai ni mu nan mu mada lu hkra, anhte a hpyen hpung malawm ni hpe kabu aw-law let hkap bawp hkalum la ga. Anhte kabu myit rawt ai nsen gaw, lamu ganghkau ting hta hpungtang garu mat wa hkra rai u ga. Anhte shada hkap hkalum la hkat ai majaw anhte hpe dip gamyet ai ni a myit hta hkra mat wa hkra, n hkrit n tsang, n gamyin, n lanyan ai sha, Wunpawng amyu shawa gaw, tinang amyu a Rawt Malan hpyen ma ni hpe tsaw ra madi shadaw nga ai, ngu ai hpe madun dan ai lailen shapraw ga, ngu shadut lajin ndau dat ai.
7 January 2010
OKA a malai, Sara Kaba Dr. Maran La Raw
KIA presents Kachin State day with arms
The Kachin Post / January 07, 2010
Military authorities from Burma Army’s northern command loosen its prior restriction on Kachin Independence Army with arms to present the Manau festival which marked the 62nd anniversary of Kachin State day.
A KIA officer , who is in condition of anonymity, told The Kachin Post that KIA leaders today decided to participate the Manau festival in Myitkyina, after a request from Lt-Col Thet Pone of Burma Army northern command and Manau festival committee. KIA previously cancelled to attend the Kachin State day festival due to the restrictions of attending equipped KIA personnel at the festival.
Kachin State day is celebrated on January 10th of almost every year after Kachin Independence Organization, a political wing of KIA, and Burma Army signed a ceasefire agreement in 1994. KIA and its personnel used to present Kachin State day festival with fully equipped arms and uniform, dancing amass in Manau park in Myitkyina.
Kachin observers believe that Burmese junta tries to test the water of KIA political stance on Border Guard Force proposal as well as attempts to gain public dissent against KIA by using public event.
Kachin Independence Army is the one of the largest revolutionary army in Burma. The organization wage decades-long war against the successive Burmese government until it reached ceasefire accord with Burma Army in 1994. The organization’s originally mission is to gain independence Kachin Land, the area encompassed Kachin State in Burma.
The Kachin State was established on January 10, 1948, a six days after Burma gained independence from British.
Military authorities from Burma Army’s northern command loosen its prior restriction on Kachin Independence Army with arms to present the Manau festival which marked the 62nd anniversary of Kachin State day.
A KIA officer , who is in condition of anonymity, told The Kachin Post that KIA leaders today decided to participate the Manau festival in Myitkyina, after a request from Lt-Col Thet Pone of Burma Army northern command and Manau festival committee. KIA previously cancelled to attend the Kachin State day festival due to the restrictions of attending equipped KIA personnel at the festival.
Kachin State day is celebrated on January 10th of almost every year after Kachin Independence Organization, a political wing of KIA, and Burma Army signed a ceasefire agreement in 1994. KIA and its personnel used to present Kachin State day festival with fully equipped arms and uniform, dancing amass in Manau park in Myitkyina.
Kachin observers believe that Burmese junta tries to test the water of KIA political stance on Border Guard Force proposal as well as attempts to gain public dissent against KIA by using public event.
Kachin Independence Army is the one of the largest revolutionary army in Burma. The organization wage decades-long war against the successive Burmese government until it reached ceasefire accord with Burma Army in 1994. The organization’s originally mission is to gain independence Kachin Land, the area encompassed Kachin State in Burma.
The Kachin State was established on January 10, 1948, a six days after Burma gained independence from British.
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