Thursday, September 27, 2012

US Jinghpaw Wunpawng ni Myen Gumsan Thein Sein hpe Ninghkap N-gun Madun

US Jinghpaw Wunpawng ni Myen Gumsan Thein Sein hpe Ninghkap

New York September 27, 2012

Daini September 27 ya shani American Mungdan e shanu nga ai mungdaw shagu na Jinghpaw Wunpawng Amyu sha ni gaw UN Zuphpawng hte kaga ahkyak ai zuphpawng ni a matu gan du nga ai Myen gumsan U Thein Sein hpe ninghkap shawa n-gun madun ai lam galaw lai wa sai hpe chye lu ai, n-gun madun ai lam hpe UN Rung daju shawng e shani ka-ang12:00 – 2:00 pm lapran galaw ai rai nna 3:00 – 5:00 pm lapran hta gaw UN – Myanmar Mission rung shawng e galaw ai re hpe chye lu ai. Shang lawm ai marai yawng (70) jan rai nhtawm Kachin Alliance ningbaw ni rai nga ai, Slg. Hkangda Brang San Awng, Dr. Maran Naw Mai, Shayi Lahkyen Ja Seng Mai ni kaw na woi awn ningbaw ai re hpe matut chye lu ai.

Shingrai UN – Myanmar Mission rung ndaw e n-gun madun nga ma yang Myen Dat Kasa Rung salang ni kaw nna kata de saw shaga ai hte maren ningbaw ni rai nga ai Slg. Hkangda Brang San Awng, Dr. Maran Naw Mai hte Shayi Lahkyen Ja Seng Mai ni gaw Myen Dat Kasa Rung kata de shang shaga ma ai lam hpe ningbaw ni kaw na tsun dan wa ai, Kachin Alliance ningbaw ni hpe hkrum shaga ai Myen salang ni gaw U Khin Yi(Immigration), U Thein Htay(Border Affair) hte Myen Dat Kasa U Than Shwe ni rai ma ai lam hpe matut chye lu ai. Shingrai hkrum shaga ai lam hta Myen salang ni kaw nna ya ten Myen Asuya hte laknak lang rawt malan nga ai Ethnic groups malawng hte Cease Fire galaw lu sai lam, Kachin ni hte naw ginrat nga ai lam ni hpe sanglang dan ai lam chye lu ai..U Thein Htay kaw na tsun ai gaw media hte shinggan e tsun tak nga ai lam langai: Kachinland Shawnglam e  “majan kasat nga ai Myen Hpyen Dap gaw President Thein Sein a matsun hpe lale ai ngu tsun kajai nga ai lam gaw njaw ai..Bamar Tatmadaw gaw President Thein Sein a matsun npu e matsun hte maren hkrak bungli galaw nga ai re” ngu asan sha tsun dan ai lam chye lu ai, matut nna U Thein Htay tsun ai gaw Ya President Thein Sein hpe mungkan kaw na grai shakawn shagrau nga ai ten hta nanhte ya na zawn ninghkap ai lam gaw grai nhtap htuk na re ngu tsun wa ai shaloi Kachin Alliance ningbaw ni hku nna gumsan Thein Sein hpe ka ai laika hpe hti dan nhtawm angwi apyaw bai nhtang wa sai lam Kachin Alliance ningbaw ni kaw na chye lu ai shiga ni hpe matut htawn shalai dat ai rai.

Overseas Kachin Association

Wednesday, September 26, 2012


President Thein Sein
President Office
Naypyidaw, Republic of the Union of Myanmar

Sept 26, 2012

Dear President Thein Sein,

The Kachin Alliance, representatives of the Kachin community in the US, extends a warm welcome as you arrive in this country to attend the UN General Assembly.

We laud your efforts to bring about political and economic reform to Myanmar. We sincerely hope that will extend your efforts to bringing about true peace and reconciliation, so that the Kachin in Myanmar will be able to enjoy the benefits of your reforms.

The US Kachin community is deeply concerned that the civil war being waged in the Kachin area has remained unabated since the resumption of hostilities in June, 2011. As you may be aware, this has caused untold miseries to tens of thousands of our kinsmen who have had to flee homes and villages, and are in dire need of the most basic of human needs. They are having to live in constant fear and uncertainty, driven back into conflict zones from camps along the China border, and their rights violated, even in the sanctity of church-run camps in government controlled territory.

We wish to reiterate here, the historical fact that it is mainly due to our forefathers’ trust in Gen. Aung San’s promise of equal rights that the Union of Burma came into being. Staying loyal and true to their commitment to the Union, Kachin servicemen fought valiantly alongside other hill tribe troops to stave off the danger posed by the myriad of insurgencies that emerged soon after independence, saving the young nation from disintegrating. The tributes paid by the late Prime Minister U Nu in his Kachin State Day messages, stand testimony to this fact. It is unfortunate that this trust has been eroded to such an extent that government troops are now waging war against the descendants of a people who once came to the rescue of the Union.

Trusting in your strong, progressive leadership, we firmly believe peace is possible and that now is the time to strive for real and decisive peace. The people of Myanmar, and indeed the whole world, are watching and waiting for you to take the pivotal steps that will lead to a just and lasting peace, not just ceasefires that fail to deal with the root causes of ethnic discontent. We therefore, urge you and your administration to grasp this moment to bring about peace, as those who achieve peace now will gain honor in history, and those who do not will be condemned to sustain the failures of the past.

We would also like to take this opportunity to urge you to resolve the following peace-related issues:

  • Begin a political dialogue leading to a genuine federal union that guarantees equality and self-determination for ethnic nationalities.
  • Initiate and declare an end to offensive war against all armed ethnic nationalities forces by issuing a public statement.
  • Promote transparency by declaring actual casualty and financial cost of current civil war.
  • Show kindness to Burmese soldiers by NOT sending them to harm’s way to fight in an unjust war.
  • Stop the harassment, interrogation, and detention of the innocent Kachin civilians by the local authorities.
  • Assurance of a free flow of domestic and international aid for Kachin IDPs, as the solution to the IDP problem needs to be a prerequisite to any and all future talks, military or political.
  • Allow the presence of UN observer teams or intermediary teams in conflict zones and IDP camps to monitor and prevent human rights abuses.
We thank you for your attention, and trust that you will use all the powers vested in you as President, to bring about unprecedented peace and prosperity, in a truly democratic federal union.

For the cause of peace, justice and equality in Burma,

Kachin Alliance of United States of America


Wednesday, September 26, 2012 12:51 PM

26thSeptember 2012

In response to your recent public comments in the United States regarding the conflict and human rights violations in Kachin State, Kachin communities world-wide would like to take this opportunity to invite you to visit internally displaced people (IDP) forced to live in makeshift camps in Mai Ja Yang, Kachin State.

The government of Burma broke the 17 year-long ceasefire in June 2011 to annex Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) controlled areas. From this time, the Burmese army has not only launched full-scale war against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) but also committed genocide and other heinous human rights violations deliberately attacking innocent civilians. The direct military actions by the Burmese army in a clear violation of Geneva Conventions have resulted in the forced displacement of 100,000 Kachin civilians to date.
Human rights abuses committed by the Burmese army against our people include rape and gang-rape against women and even children, the elderly and disabled; killing many victims of sexual violence; arbitrary executions; torture; mutilations; beatings; forced labour; mortar bombing and burning of villages; looting of villages and other thefts; and use of child soldiers many of which constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. Given the climate of violence, fear and suffering our people are enduring everyday, it is disheartening not to hear you speaking out against injustice for those who have been forcibly silent, instead you declared you have a soft spot for Tatmadaw that your father founded, the very institution that is responsible for such miseries.

As you and your fellow parliamentary members are well aware, the government of Burma is not providing emergency relief and is refusing to allow the free delivery of humanitarian aid to tens of thousands of internally displaced people in direct and open violation of international law. In your position as Chair of the Lower House of Parliament’s Rule of Law Committee you have the power to initiate and the responsibility to minimize the immense suffering of Kachin IDPs that includes women and young children who are suffering from malnutrition and other illnesses without sufficient medical or education facilities.
We Kachin had looked to you to speak out about the abuses being committed against our people at least based on humanitarian grounds as you were once silenced by the same regime and were eventually triumphant by unwavering voices of freedom. If you were to speak out, the international community would listen, all the people of Burma regardless of ethnicity or religion will stand up for the wholesale principles of democracy and human rights. As a renowned champion for human rights, by not condemning the abuses in Kachin State you are not only condoning the state-sanctioned violence, but you exemplified to the masses in the country that the notion of conditional human rights is tolerated.
We are concerned by your comments at the London School of Economics in the United Kingdom, June 2012, when you stated that there was a need to establish the facts of the root cause of the Kachin conflict. Further, in your meeting with the Burmese Community in the USA on 22nd September, you stated: “Basically, what is it that I have to strongly condemn? If it is a human rights violation as well as any acts of breaching the rule of law then I will strongly condemn.”You are yet to take a stance on the human rights abuses taking place in Kachin State, your statement, combined with the comments you made at the LSE gives the impression to the people of Burma and international community that you do not believe human rights abuses are taking place.
Many international human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch, and international media including the BBC have reported and verified that heinous abuses are committed against the Kachin population by the Burmese army. In March 2012 the United Nations Special Rapporteur stated he had reports of:
“…attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, internal displacement, the use of human shields and forced labour, and the confiscation and destruction of property. He has also received reports of gang rapes by army soldiers, although the numbers provided by different sources vary. In the report of the Secretary-General on conflict-related sexual violence, it was noted that as many as 32 women and girls throughout Kachin State were allegedly raped by the military between June and August 2011.”
Given the seriousness of the situation outlined above we invite you to visit Mai Ja Yang, where the majority of the IDPs are taking refuge and protection by the KIO. You will be able to hear directly from the victims about the human rights abuses that have been committed against them. You will see for yourself the suffering caused by the Burmese government’s refusal to allow humanitarian aid into these areas. As you often refer to your father General Aung San in your political speeches, we do hope that you uphold his promise for the Union of Burma where all ethnic people including Burman will be equal. As an elected MP and daughter of General Aung San, talk of “unity” while staying silent on the suffering of the ethnic masses will only polarize the country further.
All of those who believe in the cause of human rights and democracy in our country must work together. We must all make efforts to restore trust, and therefore in the spirit of Panglong we extend this invitation to you. You are now able to travel all over the world and speak openly to large audiences. We request that you also travel to Mai Ja Yang in Kachin State, and witness first-hand what is taking place in Kachin State to advocate for the ordinary citizens who are suffering at the hands of their own government. We have trust in you that you will recognize the urgency and importance of this request and not refuse the invitation.
The undersigned Kachin organizations
  1. All Kachin Students and Youth Union (AKSYU)
  2. Kachin Canadian Association
  3. Kachin Women's Association Thailand (KWAT)
  4. Kachin National Organization (KNO)
  5. Kachin Association of Australia (KAA)
  6. Kachin Centre-Thailand
  7. Kachin Refugee Committee-Malaysia (KRC)
  8. Kachin National Organization (KNO-Japan)
  9. Kachin National Organization (KNO-Denmark)
  10. Kachin Christian Fellowship (KCF-Denmark)
  11. Kachin National Organization (KNO-USA)
  12. Kachin National Organization (KNO-United Kingdom)
  13. Kachin National Organization (KNO-India)
  14. Kachin National Organization (KNO-Malaysia)
  15. Kachin National Organization (KNO-Australia)
  16. Kachin Community in United Kingdom
  17. Kachin Community in Sweden (KCS)
  18. Kachin Community in Netherlands (KCNL)
  19. Kachin Association Norway
  20. Kachin Alliance (USA)
  21. Pan Kachin Development Society (PKDS)
  22. Queensland Kachin Community
  23. Singapore Kachin Community
For more information, please contact:
· Gumsan (USA), +1 443 415 8683
· Dr. Nawmai Maran (USA), +1 402 990 2553
· Naw San (Thailand), +66 (0) 848119594
· Moon Nay Li (Thailand), +66 (0) 856251912
· Hkahpa Tu Sadan (UK), Mobile: +44 (0) 7538 258961

Sunday, September 23, 2012

ဘယ္သူကက်ဴးေက်ာ္ျပီး ဘယ္သူက၇န္လိုေနသလဲ?

ကခ်င္ေဒသဟာ ျမန္မာဘုရင္ေတြလက္ထက္က ဗမာလက္ေအာက္ခံမဟုတ္။ သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္ေသာ ျပည္နယ္သာျဖစ္တယ္။
အဂၤလိပ္လက္ေအာက္ကေန လြတ္လပ္ေရးယူကာနီးအခါမွသာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာ ကခ်င္၊ ရွမ္း စတဲ့ ေတာင္တန္းေဒသေတြကုိ သြားေရာက္ၿပီး ဗမာျပည္မအတူ တၿပဳိင္တည္း လြတ္လပ္ေရး ယူခ်င္ ပါတယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကုုိ တုိင္းရင္သားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကဆီက ရယူႏုိင္ေအာင္ စည္းရုံး ႏုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ပင္လုံစာခ်ဳပ္အရ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတာနဲ႔ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္လုိ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ သီးျခားျပည္နယ္ ထူေထာင္ႏုိင္ ေစရမယ္ ဆုိတာလည္း ပါပါတယ္။
ဒီကေန႔ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ေတြက ကခ်င္တပ္ေတြကုိ ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ေနတယ္။ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ တခ်ဳိ႕ဗမာေတြက စစ္ျဖစ္ တယ္ဆုိတာ ႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံးက မွားလုိ႔ဆုိၿပီး ေယာင္ဝါးဝါးေျပာေနၾကတယ္။ အခုျဖစ္ေနတဲ့စစ္မွာ ဗမာတပ္ ေတြက ကခ်င္ေဒသကုိ သြားက်ဴးေက်ာ္လုိ႔ျဖစ္တာလား။ ကခ်င္တပ္ေတြက ဗမာနယ္ကုိ လာက်ဳးေက်ာ္ လုိ႔ျဖစ္တာလားဆုိတာကုိ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာလည္း စဥ္းစားၾကစမ္းပါဦး။ကုိယ့္ေဒသကုိ က်ဴးေက်ာ္တုိက္ခုိက္ လာရင္ ဘယ္သူမဆုိ သဘာဝက်က် ခုခံေတာ္လွန္ၾကမွာခ်ည္းပဲ။ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းေတာင္ နယ္ခ်ဲ့ေတြ ကုိ အႏုနည္းနဲ႔မရရင္ အၾကမ္းနည္းနဲ႔ ခ်ရမွာပဲလုိ႔ ေျပာခဲ့ေသး တယ္။
တကယ္တမ္းမွာ ကခ်င္ေတြက ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ေတာင္ မေတာင္းေသးပါဘူး။ တန္းတူညီမွ်ခြင့္ပဲ ေတာင္းေသး တာပါ။ တကယ္လုိ႔ သူတုိ႔ ခြဲထြက္ခ်င္တယ္ဆုိလည္း လြတ္လပ္စြာ ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ရွိတယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တယ္။ ဒါကုိ တခ်ဳိ႕ဗမာေတြက ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကီး ၿပဳိကြဲလိမ့္မယ္ ဘာညာ အသံ ေကာင္းဟစ္ၿပီး သူမ်ားေျမကုုိ သူမ်ားဆႏၵမပါဘဲ ေမာင္ပုိင္စီးခ်င္ေနၾကတာကေတာ့ သူေတာ္ေကာင္း အလုပ္မဟုတ္၊ ဓားျပအလုပ္သာ ျဖစ္တယ္။
Aung Naing Moe FaceBook မွကူးယူေဖၚျပပါသည္။

Letter to UN General Secretary from KNO

Presented to UN General Secretary September 2012-Final Version 23-09-12

Friday, September 21, 2012

Suu Kyi’s silence

Suu Kyi’s silence

Published: 19 September 2012

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi participates in a question and answer session with the audience at the US Institute of Peace in Washington on 18 September 2012. (Reuters)

When Secretary Hilary Clinton visited Burma in December 2011, opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reportedly told her that she would rather be regarded as a politician than an icon. To that, Clinton replied, “Get ready to be attacked”.

And sure enough, criticism of her silence on the plight of the persecuted Rohingyas is following her as she embarks on an award crammed, landmark visit to the US. Disaffected rights groups and scholars have become more vocal with their attacks, with one academic even going so far as to question the credentials for her 1991 Nobel Peace prize.

Some observers say she has no option other than to remain silent as politically, she cannot afford to antagonise the majority Bamar Buddhists, including powerful opinion makers like the monks, who vociferously oppose rehabilitating the Muslim Rohingyas whom they regard as illegal aliens and should be deported back to their country of origin, Bangladesh, or some other third country.

If remaining silent on the Rohingya issue is to avoid alienating her supporters with an eye to the 2015 elections, what could be the rationale for her silence on the terrible suffering of the Kachins in northeastern Burma?

Since the resumption of hostilities in June 2011, after a 17-year ceasefire, the number of Kachins being displaced by the war is increasing at an alarming rate, estimated to be nearing the one million mark. These IDPs are in dire need of the most basic of human requirements. They have been driven off from camps along the border and forced to return to conflict zones by Chinese authorities. Their security in government-controlled territory is tenuous at best, when even the shelter of church-based camps could not protect them from being subjected to summary arrests and torture.

To the profound disappointment and frustration of Kachins at large, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the one Bamar they look to more than any other to come to their aid, has chosen to remain silent and indifferent to their suffering. Unlike the Rohingya situation, the opposition leader does not have to walk such a political tight rope in speaking up for the Kachins. There is clearly no national identity controversy involved here. Neither is there any danger of inflaming the ire of her Bamar constituents. In fact, the sympathy and support ordinary Bamars have shown displaced Kachins, most notably that of 88 Generation leaders, has been remarkable.

When a response of sorts did come, it was one that sent shock waves throughout the Kachin world. During panel discussions at the London School of Economics on 19 June 19 2012, when pressed on why she had not spoken out against atrocities in the Kachin area, she replied rather testily that, “the root, the cause of the (Kachin) conflict” still needs to be determined.

“A democratically elected national leader needs the trust and cooperation of ethnic minorities”

To the Kachins, this displayed a stunning lack of understanding, or perhaps interest, in Kachin affairs. That she is still not clear after all these years, that the denial of rights promised by her own father, independence architect Gen Aung San, is the root cause of the Kachin conflict, shocked and dismayed the world-wide Kachin public.

Some of her supporters coming to her defense have said the Kachins need to be patient because she is sure to be working on the situation behind closed doors and that she knows what she is doing and that it is not realistic to expect her to accomplish everything at once.

To this, we Kachins would counter that, although we may be simple hill tribe folks, we are not so naïve as to expect she will be able to solve all our problems. We know only too well, as chief peace negotiator Minister Aung Min himself has indicated, that stopping this internecine war rests mainly with the army. When the army does not even listen to the President’s orders, given twice, to stand down, everyone understands that stopping this war rests solely with the military. The army has its own agenda for continuing this war, foremost being maintaining its grip on this resource-rich area where personal and institutional fortunes are so intricately intertwined.

The Kachins cannot be expected to stand idly by while their kinsmen suffer. What they are hoping for from the Nobel peace laureate and influential parliamentarian is to show solidarity with the downtrodden Kachins, to speak up and be a voice for the voiceless Kachins.

Mere platitudes, like the need for peace in ethnic areas, are of no help. What she needs to do is to use her moral and political authority to ensure that the war-displaced Kachins receive the aid they desperately need and capitalise on her international stature to draw attention to the gross rights violations being committed in war torn areas, and the need for UN mediators to monitor and prevent such abuses. Even if these measures do not materialise, the mere fact that she made an effort, that she chose to speak up, would have spoken volumes with the Kachin people. As the 88 Generation leaders have shown, such actions can be accomplished without causing political jeopardy.

Although political ambitions may have taken precedence over moral considerations, remaining silent may not prove to be that politically astute either. A democratically elected national leader needs the trust and cooperation of ethnic minorities, not just the majority Bamars. By remaining silent and aloof to ethnic suffering, she stands to lose, if she has not lost it already, the support so overwhelmingly bestowed on her in the beginning, as daughter of the country’s independence hero. As a Karen refugee at the Mae La camp remarked during her Thai visit in May 2012, “If she doesn’t talk about the conflict in Kachin state, what can she do for the Karen?”

The age old adage about silence being golden may not always apply as there can be consequences, political as well as moral, to remaining silent when people around you, especially those you hope to represent, are being so cruelly oppressed.

-Pangmu Shayi is a political analyst at Kachinland News

Wednesday, September 19, 2012

ဒီခ်ဳပ္ ေျပာတဲ့ “ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရး” ဘယ္ေတာ့ … ဘာေၾကာင့္ … ဘယ္လို

ဒီခ်ဳပ္ ေျပာတဲ့ “ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရး” ဘယ္ေတာ့ … ဘာေၾကာင့္ … ဘယ္လို
(Tu Maung Nyo)
၁၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၁၂

ကြယ္လြန္သူ ဝါရင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားႀကီး ဘဘ ဦးေရႊအံုး (၁၉၂၃- ၂၀၁၀) ကို ေအာက္ေမ့ သတိရလို႔ ဒီလိုေခါင္းစဥ္ တတ္လိုက္ တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဦးေရႊအံုး ၁၉၉၃ အမ်ိဳးသားညီလာခံ (က်ိဳကၠဆံ) သုိ႔ တင္ျပတဲ့ စာတမ္းအမည္က “တတိယ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သုိ႔ (ဘယ္ေတာ့ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဘယ္လုိ)”ဟူ၍ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ “ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရး” ဆုိတာ “လာမယ္ – ၾကာမယ္- ေမွ်ာ္”ဆိုတဲ့ သေဘာမ်ိဳး ထင္ပါတယ္။
ဒီခ်ဳပ္ မွာ ဥကၠ႒ရဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံျခားခရီးစဥ္ေတြ၊ ညီလာခံေခၚယူေရးကိစၥေတြနဲ႔ လံုးလည္ခ်ာလည္ လိုက္ေန ေတာ့ “ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံ ဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရး” ဆိုတဲ့ ဘာသာရပ္အတြက္ အလွည့္မက်ႏုိင္ေသး ဘူးလို႔ ထင္ျမင္ ယူဆစရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
သို႔ေသာ္လည္း “ဒီလိႈင္းစာေစာင္” အတြဲ ၁၊ အမွတ္ ၃၂၊ (၂၇ – ၈ – ၂၀၁၂) မွာ “အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္းေပၚေပါက္လာလွ်င္” ဆိုတဲ့ “ဒီလိႈင္းအာေဘာ္” ကေန တို႔ထိထား တာေလး ဖတ္လိုက္ရပါတယ္။
“ဒီလိႈင္းအာေဘာ္” ထဲမွာေရးထားသလို သမၼတက “ဖြင့္ဟေပးလုိက္သကဲ့သုိ႔” ရွိတဲ့ အေျခခံဥပေဒ
ျပင္ဆင္ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ တစ္ခြန္းမွ မဟဘဲ၊ ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ မွန္တယ္ ဘက္ကို ေထာက္ခံတယ္ဆုိၿပီး စြပ္စြဲျပစ္တင္ႏုတ္ထြက္ေစတဲ့ လမ္းေၾကာင္း ေနာက္ ဒီခ်ဳပ္ အမတ္ေတြ ေကာက္ ေကာက္ပါေအာင္လုိက္သြားခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာေပၚလာတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္လမ္းေၾကာင္း ( ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရး) နဲ႔ ဦးေရႊမန္း လမ္းေၾကာင္း ( စြပ္စြဲ ျပစ္တင္ႏုတ္ထြက္ေစေရး) လမ္းေၾကာင္း ၂ ခု အနက္ ဒီခ်ဳပ္အမတ္ ေတြဟာ ဦးေရႊမန္းလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို ေလွ်ာက္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။

“— ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္းက ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္တစ္ဦး မိမိထံ ခြင့္ပန္ၾကားရင္းနဲ႔ စြပ္စြဲျပစ္တင္မႈကိစၥျပဳ လုပ္တဲ့အခါမွာ မိမိသည္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ မိမိပါတီေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း လႊတ္ေတာ္သို႔ တင္ျပထားတဲ့ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္အတိုင္း ရွိပါ ေၾကာင္း၊ ဒီလိုလည္း မိမိထံ တင္ျပသြား တာရွိပါတယ္။ ”လို႔ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းက လႊတ္ေတာ္အစည္းအေဝး မွာ ေျပာပါ တယ္။
“ဒီလိႈင္းအာေဘာ္” မွာ ၫြန္းထားတဲ့ ေလာေလာဆယ္အားျဖင့္ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆြဲရန္ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ျဖဳတ္ပယ္ အစားထိုးရန္ လိုအပ္ ေသာ “အေျခခံဥပေဒ ပုဒ္မ ၁၂ ခု” ဆိုတာက လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လ (၃၁) ရက္ေန႔ မွာ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တဲ့ “အထူးေၾကညာခ်က္ ၄/၀၃/၀၈ ” ကို ရည္ၫြန္းပံုရပါတယ္။
“လစ္ဟင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္” လုိ႔ က်မ္းသစၥာကိစၥမွာတုန္းကလို ထပ္ၿပီးမေျပာၾကရေအာင္ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆြဲ၊ ျဖဳတ္ပယ္အစားထိုးရန္ လိုအပ္တဲ့ အခ်က္မ်ားကို ဒီခ်ဳပ္ဥပေဒပညာရွင္မ်ားအေနနဲ႔ ဒီထက္ပိုၿပီး တိတိ က်က်နဲ႔ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္းျဖစ္ေအာင္ ျပင္ဆင္ထားသင့္ပါ တယ္။
ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခ့ဥပေဒ ပင္ဆင္ေရးဆိုတာ ဒီကေန႔တည္ရွိေနတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲက အမတ္အခ်ိဳးအစား နဲ႔ဆုိရင္ မလြယ္ကူဘူး/ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ဘူးဆိုတာ လူၿပိန္းေတာင္သိပါတယ္။ ဒီခ်ဳပ္အမတ္ေတြက စစ္သား အမတ္ေတြကို စည္းရံုးႏုိင္ခဲ့ရင္ေတာင္ မလြယ္ကူပါဘူး/ မျဖစ္ ႏုိင္ပါဘူး။
စစ္သားအမတ္ေတြ အေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရးဘက္ ပါဝင္လာဖုိ႔ “စည္းရံုးတယ္” ဆိုတာကလည္း ေက်ာက္ခဲ ေရညွစ္တာကမွ အလြယ္တကူေရထြက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ စစ္သားအမတ္ေတြဟာ ကာခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ “တစ္ေသြး၊ တစ္သံ၊ တစ္အမိန္႔” နဲ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲ သြားထိုင္ၾကရ သူေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔တေတြ ဟုိတိမ္း၊ ဒီယိမ္းလို႔ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါဘူး။ ကာခ်ဳပ္အမိန္႔ေပးတဲ့အတုိင္း ေထာက္ခံမဲ/ကန္႔ကြက္မဲ/ၾကားေနမဲ ေပးၾကရမယ့္ သူေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တစ္ခုေတာ့ရွိတာေပါ့ ဒီခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠ႒အေနနဲ႔ သမၼတ၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ ဆိုသူေတြနဲ႔ ထိေတြ႔ေနသလို ကာခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ထိေတြ႔ၿပီး သူ႔သေဘာထား ဘယ္လိုရွိမယ္ဆုိတာ တီးေခါက္မၾကည့္သင့္ေပဘူးလား။ စစ္သားအမတ္ေတြနဲ႔ ရင္းႏွီးေအာင္ ထမင္းဖိတ္ေကၽြးရမလား လို႔ ရယ္သြမ္းေသြးၿပီးေျပာဖူးတာလဲရွိလို႔ အဆိုျပဳၾကည့္တဲ့သေဘာပါ။
ဒီေနရာမွ က်ေနာ္ သတိျပဳမိတဲ့ အခ်ကတစ္ခုတင္ျပပါရေစ။
ဒီခ်ဳပ္ဥကၠ႒ က “တရားဥပေဒစုိးမိုးေရးႏွင့္တည္ၿငိမ္းေအးခ်မ္းေရးေကာ္မတီ” ဖြဲ႔စည္းရာ မွာ စစ္သား အမတ္ တစ္ဦးထည့္ေပးဖုိ႔ အဆိုျပဳပံုရပါတယ္။
ဒါကို ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းရဲ႕ေျပာၾကားခ်က္မွာ
“ကၽြန္မကေတာ့ တာဝန္တစ္ခုေပးအပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ တာဝန္ ေက်ခ်င္တယ္။ ေက်ေအာင္လည္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ မယ္။ ေက်ေအာင္ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ကၽြန္မတစ္ေယာက္တည္းနဲ႔ မျဖစ္ဘူး။ ေကာ္မတီမွာ ပါဝင္ၾကမယ့္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားလည္း လိုပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ ဒီလိုပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ိဳးေတြ ေကာ္မတီ မွာ ထည့္ေပးပါ” ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ ကို တစ္ဖန္ျပန္လည္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံေတာင္းခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္လည္း ေဒၚ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ လိုလားဆႏၵရွိတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္အသီးသီးကို ဒီေကာ္မတီထဲ ကိုေရာက္ရွိေရးအတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ မျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးႏိုင္တာေတာ့ ဒါတစ္ဖြဲ႕တစ္ဦးပဲရွိပါ တယ္”  ဆိုၿပီး ျငင္းပယ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ဒီအခ်က္ေသခ်ာေစဖုိ႔ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကဖြဲ႔စည္းေပးထားတဲ့ (၁)ႏွစ္သက္တမ္းရွိတဲ့ (အျခား ေကာ္မတီ)လုိ႔ဆိုတဲ့ ေကာ္မတီနဲ႔ ေကာ္မရွင္မ်ားကို တစ္ခုခ်င္း က်ေနာ္ စိစစ္ၾကည့္ပါတယ္။ ယခုအခါ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ “အျခားေကာ္မတီ” ၂၀ နဲ႔ ေကာ္မရွင္ ၁ ခုဖြဲ႔ စည္းထားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာ (၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၆ ရက္) စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၅ ႏွင့္ ၆ မွာေဖၚျပပါရွိတဲ့ “အျခားေကာ္မတီ” (၁၉)ခုကို စိစစ္ၾကည့္ရာမွာ ေကာ္မတီ(၁၉)ခုအနက္ ေကာ္မတီ(၅) ခုမွာ စစ္သား အမတ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔ဝင္အျဖစ္ ပါရွိေနတာကို ေအာက္ပါ အတုိင္းေတြ႔ရွိရပါတယ္။
- ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးျမင့္ကိုကို ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား၏ မူလအခြင့္အေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးႏွင့္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ဆိုင္ရာ ေကာ္မတီ
- ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးတင့္္ဆန္း ႏုိ္င္ငံတကာဆက္ဆံေရးေကာ္မတီ
- ဗိုလ္မွဴးတက္ထြန္းေအာင္ တရားစီရင္ေရးႏွင့္ဥပေဒေရးဆိုင္ရာေကာ္မတီ
- ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးေဌးႏုိင္ ျပည္သူ႔ေရးရာစီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈေကာ္မတီ
- ဗိုလ္မွဴးသန္းေဇာ္ဦး ေရေၾကာင္းပို႔ေဆာင္ေရးဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈေကာ္မတီ
ဒါ့အျပင္ တစ္ခုတည္းေသာေကာ္မရွင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ “ဥပေဒေရးရာႏွင့္ အထူးကိစၥရပ္ မ်ားေလ့လာ ဆန္းစစ္ သံုးသပ္ေရးေကာ္မရွင္” မွာ လည္း ဒုတိယဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီး ေအာင္ခင္သိန္း ပါဝင္ေန တာကို ေတြ႔ရပါလိမ့္ မယ္။
သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း အခုေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ စစ္သားအမတ္ေတြ “အျခားေကာ္မတီ”ေတြနဲ႔ေကာ္မရွင္ေတြမွာ မပါဝင္ေစဖုိ႔ (ကာလံု) ထဲမွာ သူတုိ႔ခ်င္း ညွိလိုက္ၾကပံုေပၚပါတယ္။သက္ဆုိင္ရာ ေကာ္မတီမွာ စစ္သား အမတ္ေတြပါေနရင္ သက္ဆုိင္ရာေကာ္မတီေတြရဲ႕ အစီရင္ခံစာ မ်ားကိုလႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ မဲခြဲအဆံုး အျဖတ္ယူတဲ့အခါ စစ္သားအမတ္အမ်ားစုနဲ႔ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ျဖစ္မွာကို စုိးရိမ္ပံုရပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေကာ္မတီေတြမွာ ယခင္ကအဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား အျဖစ္ထည့္ထားခဲ့တဲ့ စစ္သားအမတ္ေတြကို ဖယ္ထုတ္ အစားထိုးလုိက္ပံုရပါ တယ္။
ယခုအခါ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ website မွာ ကို ေဖၚျပထားတဲ့ “အျခားေကာ္မတီမ်ားစာရင္း” နဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့ အလင္းသတင္းစာ (၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၆ ရက္) စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၅ ႏွင့္ ၆ မွာေဖၚျပပါရွိတဲ့ “အျခား ေကာ္မတီမ်ားစာရင္း” ကိုႏႈိင္းယွဥ္စိစစ္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ အဆိုပါ စစ္သားအမတ္မ်ားကို အျခားေသာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားနဲ႔ လဲလွယ္အစားထိုးထားတာေတြ႔ျမင္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ဦးေရႊမန္းရဲ႕ခါးပုိက္ေဆာင္ေကာ္မရွင္(ဥပေဒေရးရာႏွင့္အထူးကိစၥရပ္မ်ားေလ့လာ ဆန္းစစ္သံုးသပ္ေရး ေကာ္မရွင္)မွာ ပါဝင္တဲ့ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးေအာင္ခင္သိန္းဟာ စစ္သား အမတ္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ရံုး(ၾကည္း) စစ္ဥပေဒ ခ်ဳပ္ရံုးမွ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီေတာ့ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၇ ရက္၊ ပထမအႀကိမ္ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ စတုတၱပံုမွန္ အစည္း အေဝး(၂၁) ရက္ေျမာက္ေန႔မွာ (၂၀)ခုေျမာက္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့ေသာ “တရားဥပေဒစုိးမိုးေရးႏွင့္ တည္ၿငိမ္ ေအးခ်မ္းေရး ေကာ္မတီ” မွာ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္အျဖစ္စစ္သားအမတ္တစ္ေယာက္ ရရွိေရး ဒီခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠ႒ေတာင္း ဆို ခ်က္ မရႏုိင္ဘူး/မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိတာရွင္းသြားပါတယ္။
စစ္သားအမတ္အားလံုးဟာ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ အမိန္႔ေပးစီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈ တစ္ခုတည္း ေအာက္မွာ ရွိရမွာပါ။
စစ္သားအမတ္ေတြအပါအဝင္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီး၊ ဒုတိယဝန္ႀကီးမ်ား အျဖစ္ခန္႔အပ္ထားတဲ့ စစ္ဗိုလ္ ေတြကို ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္က စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ခ်ယ္လွယ္စီမံႏုိင္ပါတယ္။

ဒီအခ်က္ေတြဟာ “ဒီလိႈင္းအာေဘာ္” မွာ ၫြန္းထားတဲ့ ေလာေလာဆယ္အားျဖင့္ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆြဲရန္ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ျဖဳတ္ပယ္ အစားထိုးရန္လိုအပ္ေသာ “အေျခခံဥပေဒ ပုဒ္မ ၁၂ ခု” ထဲက အခ်က္အမွတ္ (၃၊ ၄၊ ၅၊ ၆၊ ၇၊ ၉၊ ၁၀) တုိ႔နဲ႔ အျပန္အလွန္ ဆက္ႏြယ္ ေနတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
“အေျခခံဥပေဒ ပုဒ္မ ၁၂ ခု” ခုဆိုတာဟာ ေလာေလာဆယ္ ျပင္ဆင္အစားထိုးရန္သာျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒီခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အရင္းမူလသေဘာထား အျဖစ္ ယူဆႏုိင္ဖြယ္ရာရွိတဲ့ သေဘာထားကို “ဒီလိႈင္းအာေဘာ္” မွာ ေအာက္ပါ အတုိင္း အတိအလင္း ထည့္သြင္းေရးသားေဖၚျပထားပါ တယ္။
“ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္အေနျဖင့္ကား ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို ဖာေထးျပဳျပင္ ေနရံုမွ်ျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားကို ထိေရာက္ထြန္းေပါက္ အက်ိဳးသက္ေရာက္ ေစႏုိင္လိမ့္မည္ ဟု မယံုၾကည္ေပ။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒ တစ္ရပ္လံုးကို ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခတ္ေျပာင္းကာလႏွင့္ လိုက္ေလ်ာညီေထြ ဆီေလ်ာ္ အပ္စပ္မႈရွိေစရန္ အတြက္ အသစ္ေရးဆြဲ ျခင္းသည္သာ အေလ်ာ္ကန္၊ အသင့္ျမတ္ဆံုး ျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္ဟုယူဆေပသည္။ ”
ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ အသစ္ေရးဆြဲျခင္းသည္ အေလ်ာ္ကန္ဆံုး၊ အသင့္ျမတ္ဆံုးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ဤအရာကား “ဒီလိႈင္းအာေဘာ္”မွ်သာျဖစ္သည္။ “ဒီခ်ဳပ္အာေဘာ္”မဟုတ္ ဟုေျပာလာ လွ်င္ မည္သုိ႔ရွိမည္နည္း။
“ဒီခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ေသာ့ခေလာက္ႀကီး အာေဘာ္ေဆာင္းပါး” တြင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မ်က္ေစ့လည္ခဲ့ရဖူးၿပီ။
သုိ႔အတြက္ ဒီခ်ဳပ္ ေျပာတဲ့ “ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရး” ဘယ္ေတာ့ — ဘာေၾကာင့္ — ဘယ္လို ဆိုတဲ့လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ အဆင့္ဆင့္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အခြင့္အလန္းႏွင့္စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားကို ျပည္သူမ်ား၊ ဒီခ်ဳပ္ပါတီဝင္ မ်ား၊ အျခားေသာ မဟာမိတ္ပါတီမ်ား ရွင္းရွင္း လင္းလင္း သိရွိေစရန္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ တင္ျပ အသိေပးသင့္ၿပီ ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း။

Sunday, September 16, 2012

Open Letter to Daw Aung San Su Kyi

၂၀၁၂-ခု စက္တင္ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက္၊

ခင္မင္ေလးစားအပ္ပါေသာေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ -

အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတြင္ေရာက္ရွိေနေသာ ကခ်င္တုိင္းရင္းသားမိႆဟာရအဖြဲ႕မွ ေႏြးေထြးစြာႀကိဳဆုိ ပါသည္။ အေမရိကန္ကြန္ဂရက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ ခ်ီးျမွင့္ေသာဆုတံဆိပ္ကုိ လက္ခံရယူရန္ေရာက္ရွိလာျခင္း ျဖစ္သျဖင့္ အထူး၀မ္း ေျမာက္ဂုဏ္ယူမိၾကပါသည္။
ကခ်င္တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ဤ၀မ္းေျမာက္ဂုဏ္ယူဖြယ္အခမ္းအနားတြင္ ပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကား လုိပါသည္။ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ လက္ရွိကာလ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ရွိေသာ မိမိတုိ႕၏ ေဆြမ်ိဳးသားခ်င္းမ်ား၏ လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈခံေနရေသာဆင္းရဲဒုကၡမ်ားကုိ သတိခ်ပ္မိပါသည္။ မိမိတုိ႕အားလုံး ၀မ္း နည္း ပူေဆြးေသာကမ်ား ဖိစီးမႈျဖင့္ ေၾကကြဲလ်က္ရွိေနခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ေန႕စဥ္ရက္ဆက္ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ စစ္မက္ေဘးဒဏ္ ေၾကာင့္ မိမိတုိ႕၏ ကခ်င္ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီ၍ ေနရပ္စြန္႕ခြာေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေနရသည့္ ကာလလည္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ေန႕စဥ္ အေၾကာက္တရား မ်ား၊ မေရရာမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရၿပီး၊ အေျခခံ က်ေသာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈ အေထာက္အပံလည္း လုိအပ္လ်က္ရွိ ပါသည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ အာဏာပုိင္မ်ား က နယ္စပ္တြင္ ခုိလႈံေနၾကရေသာ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားမွ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကုိ စစ္မက္ေဒသသုိ႕ အတင္း အဓမၼျပန္လည္ ပုိ႕ေဆာင္ျခင္းကုိလည္း ခံေနရပါသည္။ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အစုိးရ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ နယ္ပယ္တြင္ရွိေသာ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘုရားရွိခုိး ေက်ာင္းမ်ား၏ အရိပ္အာ၀ါသတြင္ ခုိလႈံေနေသာ ဒုကၡသည္ မ်ားပင္လ်င္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ခံေနရပါသည္။ ဤသုိ႕ေသာအေျခအေနမ်ားတြင္ မိမိတုိ႕အေနျဖင့္ ၀မ္းေျမာက္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ရန္မွာ မည္သုိ႕မွ် ဆီေလ်ာ္ အပ္စပ္ျခင္း မရွိပါ။
အမ်ား၏ယုံၾကည္ကုိးစားမႈခံရေသာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ဖခင္ အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္လပ္ေရးဗိသုကာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေအာင္ဆန္း အား အမွဴးျပဳ၍  ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏က်င့္၀တ္သိကၡာခြန္အား၊ ႏုိင္ငံတကာမွ အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳထားေသာဂုဏ္ျဒပ္၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ အင္အားႀကီးမားေသာ အတုိက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္ျခင္း၊ တရားဥပေဒ စုိးမုိးေရးရာေကာ္မတီဥကၠဌျဖစ္ျခင္းတုိ႕ကုိ အမွီျပဳ၍ တုိင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား၏ အခြင့္ အေရးမ်ားအတြက္ တက္ၾကြစြာ လႈပ္ရွားေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးပါရန္ ေလးစားစြာပန္ၾကား အပ္ပါသည္။
တန္းတူအခြင့္အေရးရမည္ဟုေျပာခဲ့ေသာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏ ကတိက၀တ္အေပၚ ယုံၾကည္ခဲ့၍သာ မိမိတုိ႕၏ ဘုိးေဘးမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ေျမျပန္႕ဗမာတုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ လက္တြဲ၍ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္း တည္ေထာင္ရန္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့ၾကျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ျပည္ေထာင္စု စိတ္ဓာတ္ အေပၚတြင္ သစၥာရွိစြာျဖင့္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးကာစတြင္ ေပၚေပါက္လာခဲ့ေသာ ပုန္ကန္ထၾကြမႈ အမ်ိဳးမိ်ဳးတုိ႕၏ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈ ေဘးအႏၱရာယ္ကုိ အျခားေတာင္တန္းေဒသတုိင္းရင္းသား ရဲေဘာ္မ်ား ႏွင့္အတူ ရဲ၀ံ့စြာတြန္းလွန္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကီးၿပိဳကြဲမည့္ အေရး ကုိလည္း ၀ုိင္း၀န္းကာကြယ္ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏ ပထမဦးဆုံးေသာ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဦးႏုမွလည္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေန႕ မိန္႕ခြန္းမ်ားတြင္ အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါအခ်က္မ်ားကုိ အေလးထား၍ ေက်းဇူးတင္စကား အၿမဲတေစေျပာၾကား ခဲ့ပါသည္။
အထက္ပါအခ်က္မ်ားကုိေထာက္ရႈ၍ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနျဖင့္ ေအာက္ပါကိစၥရပ္မ်ားတြင္ စြမ္းစြမ္း တမံ ႀကိဳးစားေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးပါရန္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါသည္။
၁။   စစ္မွန္ပီျပင္ေသာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ရရွိေစရန္။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲရုံမွ်ျဖင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပန္းတုိင္သုိ႕ ေရာက္ရွိမည္ မဟုတ္ပါ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေရး ကုိ၀ုိင္း၀န္း ႀကိဳးပမ္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္္၊
၂။   ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းရွိ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအတြက္ လုိအပ္ေသာ ျပည္တြင္း ျပည္ပ အေထာက္အပံ့မ်ား လြတ္လပ္စြာပံ့ပုိးကူညီႏုိင္ရန္၊
၃။   ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား၏ အင္အားကုိ ရယူကာ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ေျမာက္ပုိင္း အတြက္ အသုံးျပဳေနေသာစစ္အသုံးစရိတ္မ်ားကုိ တားဆီးေပးရန္၊         
၄။   လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားကုိ ကာကြယ္တားဆီးႏိုင္ရန္ ကမၻာ့ကုလသမဂ¾ေလ့လာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ ေရး အဖြဲ႕ (သို႕မဟုတ္) ေစ့စပ္ညိွႏိႈင္းေရးအဖြဲ႕မ်ား အေနျဖင့္ စစ္မက္ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာေဒသမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္ေျပး ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ အခ်ိန္မေရြးသြားေရာက္ ႀကီးၾကပ္ကြပ္ကဲႏုိင္ရန္၊
၅။   ျမစ္ဆုံဆည္ႏွင့္အတူ ခ်ီေဖြဆည္ကဲ့သုိ႕ေသာ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဖ်ားတြင္ တည္ေဆာက္ရန္ရွိေသာ အျခားဆည္ (၆) ခုအား ယာယီရပ္ဆုိင္းရုံသာမကပဲ လုံး၀ေဆာက္လုပ္ျခင္းမျပဳေတာ့ရန္၊
ဖခင္ႀကီးဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းသည္ ကံအေၾကာင္းမလွသျဖင့္ ေဆာလ်င္စြာ ကြယ္လြန္သြားသျဖင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား အတြက္္ ေပးအပ္ထားေသာကတိစကားကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ႏုိင္ျခင္း မရွိခဲ့ပါ။ ဤကဲ့သုိ႕ ပင္လုံ ကတိက၀တ္ တြင္ပါရွိေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား၏ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ျငင္းပယ္ ခံရျခင္းသည္ ယခုလက္ရွိ ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား၏ အေျခခံအေၾကာင္းရင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သုိ႕ပါ၍ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနျဖင့္ ဖခင္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၏သမီး ပီသစြာ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား၏ ရပုိင္ခြင့္မ်ားအတြက္ မားမားမတ္မတ္ ရပ္တည္ႀကိဳးပမ္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးသြားပါရန္ အေလးအနက္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါသည္။
Kachin Alliance


Sept 16, 2012

Dear Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,

The Kachin Alliance, representatives of the Kachin community in the US, wishes to extend a warm welcome to you on your momentous visit to this country, and offer heartfelt congratulations on the great honor of receiving the Congressional Gold Medal.

We Kachins cannot, however, participate in this joyous occasion, as our hearts are heavy with sadness and trepidation, mindful of the untold miseries our kinsmen in Kachinland are currently going through. We feel that it is inappropriate for us to rejoice and celebrate when the tens of thousands of our people displaced by renewed fighting are in dire need of the most basic of human needs, when they have to live in constant fear and uncertainty, when Chinese authorities have dismantled refugee camps on their borders and sent them back into conflict zones, when their rights are being violated even in the sanctity of a church-run camp in government controlled territory.

We earnestly appeal to you in the name of your revered father, the architect of independence, General Aung San, to use your moral authority, your international stature, and powerful position in parliament as opposition leader, and Chair of the Rule of Law Committee, to be an advocate for the rights of our people. It is a measure of the trust our forefathers put in General Aung San’s promise of equal rights that they rejected the British offer of a separate homeland, and opted to form a union with the lowland Burmans. Staying loyal and true to their commitment to the union, they fought valiantly alongside other hilltribes servicemen to stave off the danger posed by the myriad of insurgencies that emerged soon after independence, and saved the union from disintegrating. The first prime minister of the Union, the late U Nu, had often paid tribute to this fact in his Kachin State Day messages.

May we therefore, take this opportunity to implore your intervention in the following issues critical to the well-being of the Kachin people:

  1. A free flow of domestic and international aid for Kachin IDPs, as resolving the IDP problem needs to be a prerequisite for any and all future talks, military or political.
  2. Presence of UN observer teams or intermediary teams in conflict zones and IDP camps to monitor and prevent human rights abuses.
  3. Urge government to begin a political dialogue leading to a genuine federal union that guarantees equality and self-determination for ethnic nationalities
  4. Parliamentary steps to cut off military spending for the Kachin war as a means of bringing the decades long civil war to an end.
  5. End, not just suspend, construction of the Myitsone Dam and 6 other smaller dams on the tributaries of the Irrawaddy, which spells ecological disaster not just for Kachin State but for the entire country.
We trust that you will be a champion of ethnic rights as your father was, and help restore the rights that were denied us after his tragic and untimely death, for it is the denial of rights that is at the root of our discontent.
For the cause of peace, justice and equality in Burma,
Kachin Alliance of United States of America