The death of intellectual sympathy

Dr Zarni: the death of intellectual sympathy

By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 30 August 2011

Dr Maung Zarni is a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics (LSE)
He is also an activist, commentator and writer, having founded the Free Burma Coalition in the United States in 1995. He now lives and works in the United Kingdom.
He talks to DVB about the west’s relationship to Burma, delusional international relations, the state of political transition and anger.

Francis Wade: You’re known to be one of the most outspoken critics of the Burmese government and its allies, and have accused others of tiptoeing around the condemnation it warrants. Why do you feel a need to be somewhat vitriolic?

Dr Maung Zarni: I love your characterisation of my blistering criticisms as “somewhat vitriolic” against those whose views I consider “parasitically expert” or “expertly parasitical”.

To belabour the obvious, I am incredibly angry about what has been happening to my country over the past 50-years: Burma is dying a slow-death, by all indications. The more you know the angrier you get. Alas, Western minds are typically incapable of either appreciating this rage over a country’s tragedy but also comprehending any scathing criticism against the “parasitical expert” and other creatures, that make light of our Burmese hell-on-earth.

But this isn’t new. A century ago Rabindranath Tagore obviously had to deal with the same issue, “All the great nations of Europe have their victims in other parts of the world. This not only deadens their moral sympathy but also their intellectual sympathy, which is so necessary for the understanding of races which are not one’s own.”

Here I would simply add that it’s not just Europeans and other westerners who are incapable of understanding this profound rage among the Burmese but the colonised minds among us can’t appreciate it either.

FW: You have been critical of the EU, and what you see as it’s warming ties with Naypyidaw. Can you provide some context to the EU’s apparent shift?

MZ: The most helpful way to understand the EU is to disaggregate this entity. Instead of thinking of the EU as an enlightened multi-state organisation with humanity’s interests at its organisational heart, each time I hear the word “EU” what springs to mind is not the European peoples, millions of whom are themselves working poor or un- or under-employed, but rather, the word EU conjures up sinister images of Brussels’ Eurocrats in the pockets of European or EU-based corporations and national diplomats. Whose primary job description is to promote their home countries’ commercial, financial, industrial and security interests in their assigned outposts.

Then there are a myriad of banks, technology exporters, energy firms, insurance companies, large consultancies, development agencies, credit raters, gas and oil extractors, per-diem and commission-hunting experts and so on, who swarm the corridors of the EU’s national capitals, such as London, Paris, Berlin, Madrid, Stockholm, Rome, etc.

The EU shift on Burma is first and foremost commercially driven, and against the fact that Burma’s neighbours – such as the Koreans, the Thais, the Chinese, the Indian, the Singaporeans and so on are raking it in, in resource-rich Burma. Greed-driven, the EU feels no longer justified in pretending to live its official “liberal” humanist values.

Now the European interests are in ready-set-go mode, simply waiting for the whistle. I love Susan George, the head of the Transnational National Institute (TNI) when she bluntly and truthfully said, that EU is nothing more than a mechanism for different European commercial interests, devoid of any redeeming humanistic vision.

FW: Do you feel EU policy is intended to benefit Burmese, or is there an element of self-centredness in it?

MZ: You must be kidding! There are no free lunches in international relations. The EU isn’t staffed with our parents, not even stepfathers! According to a recent BBC documentary, the EU is pushing for relaxing restrictions on blood diamond imports from places like Mugabe’s Zimbabwe. Find some of the most horrendous corners of the world, and you will find EU entities cuddling up to tin-point dictators.
So, the EU policy shift and policies are about EU interests, not about my people. Of course, there might be crumbs for the locals as “donors” bring in millions in so-called humanitarian aid to lay the ground work for their Burma and Southeast Asia-wide commercial and strategic agendas.

To be sure, there are a lot of well-meaning, in-country foreign diplomats; EU officials, development experts, etc. who would like the Burmese people to have a future. Many of them genuinely believe they are promoting public welfare. But ultimately, it is not their good-intentions and self-justifications for their own policies and initiatives that count, but the overall outcome of the concrete and impersonal policies and their impact on the historical developments of Burma as a whole.

It is a cliché to repeat here but; “The road to hell is paved with good intentions,” it is so true when it comes to international operations in Burma. Even Asian diplomats and ASEAN entities that openly coddle the Burmese generals delude themselves into thinking what they are doing is going to help the Burmese in the long run.

FW: Which country has taken this to the farthest extent, and why?

MZ: Obviously, France (with TOTAL Oil) must top the list here, followed by Germany. One of the major pillars of the German economy is Berlin’s ability to create ‘niche markets’ around the world for German industries. Burma with its estimated 50-million potential consumers is no small market. For capitalists, no amount of profit is small. The Brits are not so far behind either. More than 40% of Britain’s GDP is in the financial sector. British financial firms have never really ceased to operate in Burma, in one disguise or another.

Even the Norwegians and Scandinavians – with an eye on energy and agricultural sectors — are not as innocent as they would like to project themselves in the popular media. As a key consulting agency which drew up the operational plan for the Asian Development Bank-funded GMS energy market creation, the NorConsult, for instance, is deeply implicated in the creation of the integrated energy market within the six-country Greater Mekong Sub-Region.

The energy sector’s projected investment/capital needs for 25 years are about US$ 550billion. Imagine what the volume of capital (and its return) for two dozen different sectors – from government reforms, infrastructure construction, transport sector, agri-business, tourism, education upgrade, capacity building, etc. – would be.

FW: Among the calls coming from Germany is a softening of sanctions. How would this affect the government and in turn Burmese people?

MZ: At the profoundly psychological level, the immediate impact of EU’s softening of its stance towards the Burmese government would be de-legitimising and marginalising, in effect, the resistance movements, both armed and non-violent. Whilst strengthening the regime’s resolve to crush any type of serious resistance, especially from the non-Bama ethnic communities such as the Kachin, the Karen, the Karenni, and the Shan.

At a more material level, the policy softening comes with gradual shifting of support priorities away from the war-torn communities in Eastern Burma and the exile organisations which have played a vital role in keeping the flames of resistance alive, with many forms of interaction and support to their comrades inside the country, to the creation of local EU-proxies in the name of capacity building and community development.

This is resulting in the NGO-isation of politics in Burma, sucking local human resources into the NGO sector and away from popular resistance. Already we are seeing EU-funded entities such as Myanmar Egress that have become rather influential in promoting an intellectually dishonest and empirically false view – that development in a dictatorial political economy in particular and development in general can be, and is, a-political.

Incidentally, EU officials and national diplomats from European governments know damn well that the military government allows Egress to act as its public relations proxy. But what the public doesn’t know is that precisely because Egress is linked to the regime in power, the EU entities rush to work with it. There also appears to be greater interest in Burma from the likes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

FW: What lies behind this?

MZ: The IMF is a banker through and through. It is also the monitor of global financial structures. Save co-operative banks and building societies, I know of no banker or financial organisation in the entire history of finance whose mission it is to promote the interests of the clients.

Out of the ashes of the World War II, the IMF was created by the United States with the purpose of building a global financial system of which the American commercial and financial interests would be the greatest beneficiaries. During the Cold War, Western powers used the IMF and the World Bank as powerful instruments in the fight against the USSR and for building ‘Pax Americana’.

The IMF’s main role in transitional economies or economies on the verge of transition (usually from variously failed leftist political economies) is, in effect, to transform these old systems into new, smoothly functioning building blocks of the global capitalist economy where local assets can be siphoned off into foreign hands. Now in the post-Cold War era, the IMF as the international lender of last resort and “development” banks such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) have been used to promote the ideology of market fundamentalism, that is; that it is the market, not public institutions, which best promote human welfare.
The ADB, for instance, in a politically unstable place like Burma, play the role of a de-facto business guarantor for venture capitalists and other foreign firms, and in many cases serve as a multilateral interlocutor or go-between, between dodgy national governments such as Burma’s and western investors.

I would highly recommend John Perkin’s Confessions of an Economic Hitman for anyone interested in how this sinister world of international finance works.

FW: The government appears to have gone on something of a PR offensive since it came to power, enacting reforms to the media and ostensibly opening up dialogue with the opposition. What do you make of this?

MZ: The regime is definitely benefiting from the advice it has received from Burmese technocrats and politicos, as well as foreign experts and officials, and are doing an incredibly clever job of couching their political patrons and clients.

The power of the West is decidedly on the wane; Western interests, both commercial/financial and national security, are getting desperate to maintain and/or rebuild their foothold in places such as Burma where they made the mistake of privileging liberal humanism over their core economic and geostrategic interests.
This is a bad combination for the Burmese communities because outside interests, such as EU’s, know that the nature of the beast in Naypyidaw remains the same, but they will pretend things are changing for the better as a way of assuaging their own liberal guilt – assuming they feel the guilt at the subliminal level, or not.
The human mind is capable of acting in a twisted fashion. I am sure EU policy makers and strategists will find a moral discourse to justify the fact that they are embracing an essentially neo-totalitarian regime. Burma’s democratic opposition under Daw Aung San Suu Kyi seems to have lost the plot as the freshly minted regime has discovered a winning formula for itself. The real losers are the Bama public and, most especially, the non-Bama communities who live in the resource-rich, war zones of Burma.

FW: Taken in isolation, are there areas of governance that have seen legitimate improvement since last November?

MZ: I cannot think of a single where there has been a legitimate improvement since the election charade last autumn. The whole governance structure is dysfunctional, pathological, and incapable of improving in a piece-meal fashion. Virtually all important domains of governance are in the hands of military officers or ex-military officers.

These guys are products of the military – a totalitarian institution. Let me put it in the most brutally honest fashion. The military in Burma, both as an institution and as individual officers, are an irredeemable failure. They are ideologically and intellectually un-equipped –not just insufficiently equipped – to build the country as a multiethnic nation.

FW: Fighting continues to rage in the border regions. Does the government have a ‘Final Solution’ for the ethnic minorities?

MZ: You mean as a ‘Final Solution as in Himler’s? I don’t think so. The generals who hold the real levers of power – whatever the outward form of their government – definitely display neo-fascist qualities: racist, militaristic, sexist, megalomaniac, myopically patriotic, and so on.

Naypyidaw is a tin pot dictatorship, unlike Hitler and ‘Tojo’s’ (Japanese imperial government in the 1930′s and 40′s) technologically advanced fascist regimes. Even if it wishes to implement a ‘Final Solution’ in Burma, it lacks the military capabilities to wipe out ethnic minorities. The extremely low quality and morale of the Burmese troops was one of the major factors which forced the Burmese regime to sue for a one-year temporary ceasefire with the Kachin.

The Naypyidaw government will likely seek ways to profit from the conflict politically – if not economically – especially if these smouldering conflicts can be used as a key justification for the military’s lion share of political power and financial resources. That said, I must say the Burmese generals are adept at playing the minorities off against the Bama majority, and vice versa. Even as we speak they are playing Aung San Suu Kyi and her Bama supporters off against the non-Bama resistance groups.

FW: Is the quest for autonomy still at the heart of the ethnic armies’ struggles, or has that changed over the decades?

MZ: I think the desire for ethnic equality and a life free from Bama imperialism is what has underpinned these ethnic resistance groups. Bama imperialism, both the official strain and the societal ‘disease’ is not just a perception by the minorities.

Look, I am a Bama from the heartland of Burma, and I know how ingrained this cultural imperialism is among the Bama, especially among the non-self-reflective and among the so-called educated class. The problem is real.The only non-imperialist among the Bama leaders I know who ever lived was General Aung San.

FW: Taking into account all that’s happening since last November, where do you see Burma in 10 years time?

MZ: I don’t have a Crystal Ball. Anything is possible. If I were a non-Bama individual I would be preparing my own communities for a time when this imperialist political economy collapsed, either as a result of accelerated implosion, or of a serious external shock like regional wars over resources and proxy wars between Great Powers.

Mind you, Burma as we know it didn’t exist before 1948. It isn’t a ready-made product that was handed down through generations and centuries since Bagan. Nation-states and political systems are like organisms. The new ones are born, the old and the sick die out or splinter into smaller new ones. Burma could disappear in 2048. Even if the disintegration of Burma happens in my life time, I won’t be shedding any tears.

I would consider patriotism and nationalism pathological if it compels otherwise intelligent and decent human beings to emotionally hold on to a place which is nothing more than an open air prison, which keeps 50 million unhappy campers inside.

Author: FRANCIS WADE Category: Interview

http://www.dvb.no/interview/dr-zarni-the-road-to-hell-is-paved-with-good-intentions/17304

Don’t Leave Ethnics Out of ‘Win-Win’ Deal

NEWS ANALYSIS

The Irrawaddy – Don’t Leave Ethnics Out of ‘Win-Win’ Deal

By SAW YAN NAING Tuesday, August 30, 2011

Change is said to be underway in Burma, as the country’s rulers appear to be relaxing their grip on the democratic opposition and taking a more conciliatory approach to their international critics. President Thein Sein has met pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw, and the UN human rights envoy to Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, recently concluded a rare visit to the country. Thein Sein has also reached out to exiles, urging them to return home, and Burma’s state-run media has stopped its ritual denunciation of the BBC, VOA and RFA.

So far, much of the discussion about these developments has focused on whether they really amount to anything. Clearly, in themselves, they are a far cry from the breakthrough that the people of Burma, and the world, have been waiting decades to witness. But already, there are some in the country who worry that they are in danger of being written out of this “history in the making”—if that’s what it is.

For Burma’s ethnic peoples, recent hints of a possible detente between the Naypyidaw-centered, military-backed government and the Rangoon-centered democratic opposition are cause for concern. Historically, ethnic minorities, who make up about a third of the population, have been marginalized by Burmese politics. Still struggling for their survival and their right to self-determination, they now worry that any “peace” achieved in the Burmese heartland may never extend as far as their own homelands.

While some prominent exiles consider returning to test the waters and people speak hopefully of a new era of cooperation between the government and opposition groups in the fields of social and economic development, the outlook for Burma’s ethnic minorities remains utterly devoid of optimism.

Since Thein Sein assumed power earlier this year, tensions that have been mounting since last year over the refusal of armed ceasefire groups to form “border guard forces” under Burmese military command have come to a head in Shan and Kachin states. Burmese offensives in areas under the control of Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Shan State Army (SSA) have forced thousands of civilians to flee.

This depressingly familiar situation—for the past two decades, more than 140,000 war refugees have huddled in crowded camps on the Thai-Burmese border, and tens of thousands more have been forced to hide in the jungles inside Burma—has attracted remarkably little international attention, as all eyes now focus on events in the country’s centers of power.

Over the years, ethnic civilians have suffered countless atrocities at the hands of Burmese troops, including forced labor, rape, torture and murder. To some extent, this situation was mitigated by the ceasefire agreements that were reached in the 1990s between the Burmese army and an array of armed groups—the KIA, the SSA-North, the United Wa State Army, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, the New Mon State Party, and others—but at no point have Burma’s ethnic peoples enjoyed real peace and security.

Now that most of these ceasefire agreements have collapsed, the ethnic armies have demanded a withdrawal of government troops from their areas and new talks, this time involving an alliance of ethnic forces and leading to a nationwide ceasefire. Preferring to stick to the “divide and rule” tactics of the past, however, the government continues to push for one-on-one negotiations with individual groups.

It is deeply distressing for Burma’s ethnic peoples to think that their future may look very much like their past, no matter what happens as the country’s rulers move to co-opt the opposition.

As Moo Kay Paw, a Karen girl living in hiding in the jungle, put it with tears in her eyes: “I don’t understand my life sometimes. I ask myself why I was born to live in fear like this. We can be killed at any time, like animals. Why can’t we live with dignity, like human beings?”

Padang Hkrunlam Majan Masing Sanglang Hpawng galaw

Padang Hkrunlam Majan Masing Sanglang Hpawng galaw



27 August 2011 (Mashang) shani hta KIA ginjaw dabang, Alen bum, Hpungmai Gawknu hta Padang Hkrunlam Majan masing hte seng nna dap shawa ni hpe sanglang hpawng galaw ai lam chye lu ga ai.

Ndai Padang Hkrunlam Majan Masaing sanglang hpawng hpe 10:00 am aten Ninggawn Daju Alen bum, Hpungmai gawknu hta Lat Du Up Jum Pausa Lum Awng (Hpyen Awn Du Tsang – I (Reng)) kawn zuphpawng hpaw-awn galaw ya nna, KIA Dap Awn Daju, Du Daju Gunhtang Gam Shawng kaw nna, Magam Dap, Makan Dap shagu na Dap Shawa ni hpe Padang Hkrunlam Majan Masing hte seng nna tsun sanglang dan lai wa ai. Dai hta, Myen Hpyen Asuya hte gaphkat jahking nna, simsa lam mung masa ku de lang hte lang shakut yu ai raitim, KIO hpe Myen Hpyen Asuya gaw ladat amyu myu hku nna KIA Dap shamit kau lu na masing hte Dap Shawa hpe roi rip zing-ri sha nga ai mabyin ni law law lang hkrum sha lai wa sai. Raitim, KIO gaw Mung masa bawngban lam de du wa lu na matu myit galu hkam sharang nna Mung masa ku hta bawngban jahkrup lu hkra shakut yu lai wa sai.

Myen Asuya, Hpyen Dap ni gaw KIA Dap Dung 5 ginra hta jahte tam ai hte KIA Dap dung 15 ginra de htim shanyem wa ai majaw, 2011 June 9 ya kawn Gap hkat hpang wa ra ai lam mabyin hpe tsun sanglang dan ai. Ndai laman Myen Asuya,datkasa ni hte hkrum bawngban ai lam galaw shakut yu tim, Myen Asuya ni gaw mung masa n lawm ai simsa lam woi bawngban ai hpe KIO Ginjaw Komiti gaw 17 ning Mung Masa bawngban lam n lawm ai gaphkat jahkring lam a majaw Amyu Sha hte Mungdan kata hkrat sum kau ai Mung Masa, Shinggyim masa ahkaw ahkang mahkrum madup hte Buga de na Kanu Kawa ni hpaji jaw da ai hte maren, KIO Ginjaw Komiti gaw Mungdan hte Amyu sha ni a lahkam n woi htawt shut hkra sung sung lili sadi sahka hte woi-awn jasat nga ai re lam tsun sanglang dan lai wa ai. KIO gaw Munghpawm Myen Mungdan ting Mung Masa ahkaw ahkang hte simsa lam lu wa hkra Munghpawm kata Amyu bawsang ni yawng shanglawm ai UNFC madang hku nna, mung masa bawngban lam woi-awn na hpe ra sharawng ai lam tsun lai wa ai. Karai Kasang kaw akyu hpyi manoi manat nna Ginjaw Komiti kawn lam woi ai hpe kam hpa let ang ai magam bungli hpe gun hpai sa wa na lam numhtet ga ni tsun sanglang lai wa ai.

Ndai hpawng hta du shang lawm ai Dap shawa n-gun 1000 jan rai nga ai. Kaga Ginjaw komiti Salang ni mung Hkamja Dap, Laiza Hpaji Jawng, Hpyen yen Dabang, Munglai Hkyet, Pajau Bum, Dap Ba (5) hkan de Dap Shawa, Mung Shawa ni hpe 26 August 2011 (Hpan) shani kaw nna sanglang dan ai zuphpawng ni galaw sai lam chye lu ga ai.

လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ အမတ္မင္းမ်ား ေမးသင့္ေသာ ဦးပိုင္အေၾကာင္း

photayokeking

Tu Maung Nyo - What is Suu's official party according to USDP Regime

Tu Maung Nyo - What is Suu's Official Party According to USDP Regime

NLD HPA BAW BYIN MAT SAI KUN?

NLD HPA BAW BYIN MAT SAI KUN?
Maung Zarni
(Dr. Zar Ni ka ai "What really is the NLD now?" ngu ai hpe SK kaw nna Jinghpaw hku bai ka gale tawn ai re.)

"Gumsan wa Thein Sein gaw tengsha mungmasa lam shai wa na hpe ra sharawng ai" nga nna ASSK nan nan tsun dat sai lam Bangkok Post shi laika hta lawm ai. Dai rai yang President Thein Sein a hpyen n-gun hte jum-tek tawn ai mungmasa hkrang gaw hpa rai ta? ngu shawng san yu ra ai. President San Yu a prat hpe dum ai n rai ni?

Revolutionary (Rawt Malan) Council, 1962-74 prat; Ne Win a MSL (1974-88) prat ni gaw shawa ra-lata masa hku sharawt tawn nna Myanmar Munghpawm Atsuya byin ai n re. Dai ni na Thein Sein a Myanmar Munghpawm a marung nra gaw Than Shwe a Tatmadaw re. Matsing: ASSK n-gup hpaw ai majaw hpa baw hpe mahtang shai wa sata?

Ya Thein Sein gaw (Than Shwe a hpyen marung n ra) hta myiman ningnan shakap tawn ya dat sai; Thein Sein hpe mung, hpyen dap e MSL hte Ne Win hpe run agrawp mat wa shangun ai zawn, kata nna kapaw kau dat wa na kun? Than Shwe a shinggyim aprat gaw lani mi hpang lani mi lai mat wa nga ai. Matsing: Ndai hpe n mai malap na re; dingla wa aprat htum mat wa yang Thein Sein a ntsa lam hpyi hpun tawn ai mungmasa hkrang gaw agrawp hkrat mat wa nna hpyen hpung a myiman sha bai kra pru wa mai ai.

Tatmadaw kata e myiman lata nna tsang tsaw de lung wa shangun ai manghkang hpe kaning ngu sawn la na kun? Myen n rai ai malawm amyu ni a buga hpe colony shatai kau ai manghkang hpe gara hku sawn yu ra na kun?

Shinggan e mawng ai shiga hta, sumtsan salang dingsa U Myint, U Thant a kashu Thant Myint U, hte hpyen atsuya gumhpraw sha nna shiga dap jum ya ai Nay Win Maung, hte kaga ni gaw Thein Sein hpe shadaw ai, nga nga ai. Ndai hpe gara hku chye na la na kun? Hpyen hpung hpe shadaw sai ngu na kun? Thein Sein jahpun tawn ai hpyi hpe shadaw sai ngu na kun? Matsing: Thein Sein hpun tawn ai mungmasa hpyi gaw kata e hkrang uhpung n nga ai; kata na hpyen hpung hpe shi uphkag lu ai wa n re.

NLD, democracy ra sharawng ai ni a ningshawng hpa-awn uhpung, hpe dai ni gara hku yu yu ra na kun? Hpyen hpung kun? Thein Sein hpyi palawng kun? NLD gaw dai ni gumshem masa a opposition n rai mat wa sai, Thein Sein a hpyi palawng hpe hkap la kau dat ai majaw ndai hku byin mat wa sai n rai kun?

NLD hpe mung shawa a myit hta tara shang ai mungmasa hpung ngu nna matut hkap la lu na kun?

Hpyen hpung e Munghpawm hpe matut up na hpe dai daram n tsang nngai; mungdan a nga mu nga mai sut lam hpe uphkang ra ai hku woi uphkang na atsam n rawng ai hpe ngai grau myit tsang ai. Bawnu mung n nga ai, jaw ai masa hkan na myit mung n rawng ai, ndai gaw manghkang kaba htum re.

Dip gamyet uphkang ai masa hte rawt malan ai masa gaw galoi mung gapyawn nna byin ai baw re. Shaning tsa-ning jan mat wa tim ethnic nationality ni a rawt malan gaw prai poi mat na n re. Balkan zunlawng, Thailand dingda jut, Northern Ireland ni hpe sakse hku yu yu ga. "Bama" mungmasha ni mungdan uphkang masa hpe rawt malan dinghkat ai gaw 1958 nna dai ni du hkra dingyang rai nga ai.

Rawt malan ai lam dai ni awng dang lu ai lam, garai n byin ai lam, gaw madung n re; matsing ra ai lam gaw rawt malan ai hku mungmasa galaw ai gam maka gaw grin nga ra na re, dai re majaw mungdan kata e ngwi pyaw simsa lu ai ai lam n mai byin na re, ndai majaw mungdan shawa hkum shagu matut hkam sha ra na sha re.

Myen mung a labau hpe chye na ai ni a matu ndai gam maka gaw laklai ai baw n rai mat wa ang sai.

-----------------
Matsing: Thein Sein gaw hpyen n-gun, gumshem masa hpe control n lu ai; hpyi hpun gumsan magam sha re. Thein Sein a matu manghkang jat nna shabyin ya lu yang hpyi-palawng hte kata na gumshem n-gun daw lahkawng a lapran e zang ayai wa na byin mai ai. Tinang a buga hpe gahkyin gumdin la mat wa ai masing masa hte Thein Sein hpe manghkang shabyin ya na lam anhte a shawng lam rai ang sai, ngu asan sha mu lu na saga ai. SK

Should Burmese Exiles Go Home?

Don't Believe a Word of It

We shouldn't go back. I want to say that we shouldn't believe the words of those who never keep their promises.—Ashin Zawana, former political prisoner and person-in-charge of the Mae Sot office of the International Burmese Monks Organization

What really is the NLD now?

What really is the NLD now?
by Maung Zarni on Friday, August 26, 2011 at 6:27pm

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is quoted as saying "President Thein Sein really wants change" - according to Bangkok Post.

But what really is President Thein Sein in Burma's military-controlled political system?

Remember President San Yu? Sure the Revolutionary Council (1962-74) and Burma Socialist Programme Party (1974-1988) all of which were Ne Win's creatures - were not the "elected" Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (correct name?). But the Army is the backbone of this new Than Shwe creature.

This new creature with Thein Sein as its face and nominal leader may end up devouring its Creator, just as the BSPP self-destruted and brought Ne Win down from the throne, by default.

But so what? The biological clock is ticking for Than Shwe anyway.
What about the Army's Class rule? What about the military-sponsored Bama colonalism towards non-Bama ethnic communities?

Some say retired Burmese diplomat and economist U Myint, U Thant's grandson Thant Myint-U, the regime's hired mouth Nay Win Maung, etc. are "backing the President". But how?

What are these new presidential gurus and mouthpieces going to do when, not if, the real generals move against the President (and all his men)?

And what is the future of the NLD as the flagship opposition?

We now have the flagship opposition which no longer considers itself "opposing the dictatorship" (albeit in new clothing), nor pursues power sharing arrangement",
according to NLD leader U Win Tin.
Is the NLD, legal or illegal, is morphing into a National Pagoda Trust (Gaw Pa Ka) or prisoners of conscience (POC)-Rescue mission?

I wouldn't worry about the military ruling the country resistance-free or reforming the State successfully. The economy is its Achilles Heel and the militarized State has neither intellectual capacity nor political will to turn itself into anything workable.

Represssion and resistance will go hand in glove. The ethnic resistance cannot be wiped out, even after some centuries. Just look at the Balkans, Southern Thailand, or Northern Ireland. For the Bama resistance against the State, it has not stopped since 1958.

Whether or not it has succeeded is irrelevant. The point is the Burmese conflicts will continue on, destroying any prospects for peace or prosperity for the little men and women on the street.

This is all familiar to the Burmese familiar with the country's past.

Myanmar needs to do more to improve human rights situation, says UN expert

Myanmar Needs to Do More to Improve Human Rights Situation

TU MAUNG NYO - WHO SET ASIDE REGIME 2008 CONSTITUTION ?

Tu Maung Nyo

Suu Kyi, President Reach 'Agreement'

Suu Kyi, President Reach 'Agreement'
2011-08-22

Burma's president says he is even willing to work with groups who have rejected the country's

Burma's democracy icon Ang San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein reached "some political agreements" during their landmark talks last week, according to a spokesman for the opposition leader.

Nyan Win, a spokesman for Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy (NLD), said the two leaders discussed "a lot" of ethnic and political issues, as well as issues that were aimed at bringing about peace following decades of war between armed ethnic groups and the government.

"In our view, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the president have reached some political agreements for the benefit of the people, setting aside their differences in views," Nyan Win told RFA.

"Please be patient right now, there will hopefully be good news for the Burmese people and for the international community soon," he said, without elaborating on the so called agreements.
Thein Sein told his country's parliament on Monday that his government is trying to ease tensions with political groups which still do not accept the country's constitution approved in a 2008 referendum.

The charter, which gives the military a continued prominent role in government, came into effect in January this year.

“Our government is just a few months old.” Thein Sein told lawmakers in his first address since his new government was formed in March.
He did not cite his meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi on Friday, their first since her release from house arrest last November.

“We do not feel bad about those challenges facing us. We have the Constitution fully endorsed by the public and the democratically elected government. We are willing to work with everyone, those whether they share this view or not,” Thein Sein was quoted as saying by Irrawaddy, an online magazine run by Burmese exile journalists.

International community

He also said that his government was ready to work with the international community. Most Western nations maintain diplomatic and economic sanctions on Burma, saying they want to see "genuine" reforms before removing them.

"We have been trying to stand tall among international and regional organizations as a dutiful member of the world family," he said. "We are ready to cooperate with the international community."

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy had swept elections in 1990 but was barred from taking power. The party was banned by the then ruling military junta before the latest polls in November.

In their meeting Friday, Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein held "frank and friendly discussions" to "find ways and means of cooperation," state-run newspapers reported Saturday with pictures of them greeting each other.

The 66-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate told reporters on Saturday after attending a government-sponsored forum in the capital, Naypyitaw, that she was "happy and satisfied" with the meeting with the president. She did not give details.

The meeting came after series of reform actions taken by the government, including an invitation to armed ethnic groups to hold peace talks and planned changes to Burma's currency system.

Many experts welcomed the actions although they felt more concrete reforms—such as the release of about 2,000 political prisoners—were key to bringing about political reconciliation.

UN envoy

Thein Sein's government this week allowed UN rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana to visit the country for the first time in more than a year.

A vocal critic of the Burmese government, Quintana had enraged the generals after his last trip by suggesting that human rights violations in the country may amount to crimes against humanity and could warrant a UN inquiry.

In a statement ahead of his visit, Quintana said his mission "takes place in a somehow different political context, with a new government in place" following elections.

He said his "main objective is to assess the human rights situation from that perspective."

Reported by RFA's Burmese service. Translation by Maung Nyo. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.

ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး တကယ္ပဲ စားပြဲ၀ိုင္းေပၚကို ေရာက္ၿပီလား

Yangon Press International

Wai Hnin Pwint Thon Speech at UK labor Party Conference - 27th Sept 2010

Ndai Ramma a mying gaw Wai Hnin Pwint Thon ngu ai re, shi a Kawa gaw 88 Jawngma ningbaw langai rai nhtawm Myen Asuya kaw na Htawng kaw rim bang tawn sai re. Lai wa sai 2010 ning September 27 ya shani United Kingdom Labor Party Conference hta mungga shaga ai hpe ngai hku nna gade lang ngu hti ndang hkra kahtap yu yu di ai hpe n-gun nlu, jahtum e ndai Blog ntsa e mara nhtawm kahtap shapoi dat ai lam re.

Ya Prat na Jinghpaw Wunpawng Ramma ni a lapran hta mung ndai zawn Mung Masa hpe myit lawm ai, Mungdan hte Amyu Sha hpe tsawra ai, ndai zawn marai nga nga galaw lu ai ni law law nga na re hpe myit dum let hpawthpra ningbaw ningla ni hpe shingran let....

OKA

အစိုးရသစ္ရဲ႕ထြက္ေပါက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ျဖစ္

Statement on the Day of Kachin Women(Burmese)

Statement on the Day of Kachin Women

BURMA: Comprehensive peace deal possible through tripartite dialogue

BURMA: Comprehensive peace deal possible through tripartite dialogue

WEDNESDAY, 17 AUGUST 2011 13:09 SAI WANSAI
By: Sai Wansai
Wednesday, 17 August 2011

Fresh after the second meeting with minister Aung Kyi, the Pegu or Bago day trip visit of Aung San Suu Kyi have been a success, both in terms of large public turnout and the eager cooperation of the police, which indicates an about turn from harsh, confrontational stance of the Than Shwe, SPDC regime.

Indeed, the warming up of the situation even lead to 4 point statement between Aung San Suu Kyi and minister Aung Kyi, which states:
1. Will cooperate with government for stability and development
2. Will cooperate for the flourishing of democracy and economic / social development
3. Will avoid conflicting views and focus on mutual cooperation
4. Will continue the meetings (Source: Mizzima)

So far so good. But both Aung Kyi and Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, also leader of the new unit, called the Spokespersons and Information Team, insist that it is illegal for NLD to function as a political party, due to its dissolution for failing to register during the run up of the last election, and urge to register so that it could politically be involved.

From the view point of the NLD, while the outsiders could imagine or understand the regime's offer of urging NLD to register as a party as being reconciliatory, the NLD is in an awkward position to follow suit, for this would mean the acceptance of the government’s legitimacy in exchange for permission to take part in politics. This, in turn, would weaken the political position of the NLD party, which overwhelmingly have won the 1990 nation-wide election and is entitled to form the government, on behalf of the people.

The NLD leader, Aung San Suu Kyi has made it known, time and again, that she didn't endorse the 2008 Constitution. On 8 August 2011 - Aung San Suu Kyi, marking the 23rd anniversary of the 8888 uprising, says, “We still do not accept the 2008 constitution.” (Source:DPA)

For now, the military-backed government seems to put the NLD registration issue on a back burner and prioritising “national unity”. Signs that the government is reaching out to Aung San Suu Kyi could be seen by the invitation to meet with officials of the government-backed political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP); and to the National Level Workshop on Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation in Naypyidaw this month

While reconciliatory gestures are abundant for Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD, just the opposite is true with the SSPP/SSA and KIO/KIA.

The ceasefire armies, including the KIO/KIA and SSPP/SSA, don't agree with the 2008 Constitution, even though the regime used to point it out that the ceasefire armies also participated in the drafting of the constitution, during the national convention. The point is that the ceasefire armies and ethnic political parties' suggestion of forming a federal union to satisfy their rights of self-determination was bluntly rejected by the then SPDC's dominated national convention. And as such, the ceasefire armies were of the opinion that they owe no legal obligation to the 2008 Constitution and also to the government, especially where the Border Guard Force (BGF) program is concerned.

According to the 2008 constitution of chapter Vll, under the heading “Defence Services”, Paragraph number 338, it states: “All the armed forces in the Union shall be under the command of the Defence Services”.

Since Naypyitaw launched offensive against the SSPP/SSA on 13 March, more than 31,700people have been displaced and 24 had died in July alone, according to Shan Women’s Action Network and Shan Human Rights Foundation. (Source:AP)

Amid deliberation of ceasefire talks by the military-backed government, the armed conflict is still going on in Kachin State. Also there were reports that the regime has sent out feelers to SSPP/SSA and New Mon State Party (NMSP) for ceasefire talks.
So far as the non-Burman ethnic nationalities are concerned, the military-backed government is sending out mixed signals, without much political will or sincerity to resolve the core of the problem: rights of self-determination.

It also looks like that the regime is deliberately trying to side-line the non-Burman ethnic nationalities as a third force, in Burma political arena.
To sum up, the issue of urging NLD registration as a political party and the forced assimilation of the armed ethnic groups within the mould of BGF by the military-backed regime are due to the non-recognition of the 2008 Constitution.

While it might seem that the Thein Sein government is becoming reasonable, the fact remains that all have to honour the 2008 Constitution and any give-and-take will only happen within this mould. And it is here where the most crucial problem is embedded.

The military-back regime could not dictate its self-drawn game plan on all its adversaries and postures itself immaturely by sticking to its "Heads I Win, Tails You Lose" rhetoric.

Instead, a more pragmatic and logical approach would be to call for a 'Tripartite Dialogue', between the NLD, non-Burman ethnic nationalities and itself, to resolve all the problems encompassing ethnic conflict and democratization process.
The author is General Secretary of the exiled Shan Democratic Union.

Kadai Lit La na?

Ndai lawu na shagun laika gaw lai wa sai Nayi hkum(2) grupyin hta email hku nna shagun wa ai hpe..Amyu sha ni a tsiyam lam langai re majaw OKA ntsa e mara na matu dawdan dat ga ai.

OKA
August 17, 2011 10:08 pm
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Ngai gaw Myitkyina kaw nga ai Ramma langai mi re.
Ndai lawu na laika gaw ngai nan ka ai re.

Hkungga let,
Zai Du Awng (Myitkyina)


Kadai Lit La na?

Wunpawng Mungdan Shanglawt Hpyen Dap hte Myen Dap ni a majan a majaw Myitkyina, Wai Maw hte Man Maw mare kaba ni hta hpyen yen ni jam jau nga ma ai.

Tsawra ai Nu Wa Wunpawng Amyu Sha ni yawng myit dum mai ai lam gaw, daini Shanglawt ginra hta du taw nga ai Amyu Sha ni hpe KIO Asuya ni dang lu ai made garum madi shadaw la nga ma ai.

Myen up ai ginra de du mat wa ai Hpyen Yen Tsin Yam ni hpe kadai lit la ya nga ma ai kun?

Myen ni lit la ya nga ai ngu ai shiga hpe 12-8-2011 ya shani na Myen Asuya Masu Hkalem Shiga Ndau lam hta shalawm dat ma ai.

Kaja wa gaw rai nga ma ai kun?

Shiga lu ai gaw, laiwa sai June shata hta Wai Maw ginra kaw Myen shat sha ai amyu kata na byet (matsat shabat sawa si na ni) gaw n-gu, jum, sau ni sa sa ya ma ai nga ai. Raitimung, sumla ni gayet la ngut ai hte bai la magawn mat wa nna madu jan ni hpe gat de sa dut shangun ma ai da!

Dai hta n-ga Myitkyina kata kaw mung NGO hpung ni hpe shaga la nhtawm zuphpawng galaw ai shaloi Myen shat sha ai amyu kata na byet "ndai Hpyen Yen Tsin Yam ni hpe hpa hkum garum mu, garum yang nanhte NGO ni hpe ahkyak la na" ngu tsun ma ai da. Grau hkrit ra ai gaw, Myitkyina kata kaw na anhte Wunpawng ni grai manu shadan ai, labau ngang ai mare langai rai nga ai "Du Mare" (Du Kahtawng) kaw gaw Nawku jawng kaw n nga shangun lu na ngu nna Dai Hu ngu ai Myen shat sha ai amyu kata na byet (matsat shabat sawa si na ni wa) tsun ai lam na lu ai.

Dai majaw KIO Asuya hpe garum hpyi mayu ai, lam maga ga hku nna anhte Myen kata de du shang nga ai Hpyen Yen ni hpe garum la marit. Chyeju hte naw madi shadaw la marit.
KIO Asuya a gaiwang kata de hprawng pru lu na matu mung grai yak nga ga ai law.
Anhte myo kata kaw nga ai ni mung amyu shada n garum ai kun? nga ntsun n myit la ya ai sha yak hkak nga ai hpe naw chyena la ya na kam ai.

Anhte Myo kata kaw nga ai Wunpawng ni gaw,
Awm Dawm Shanglawt Ai Mungdan hpe ra sharawng nga saga ai.
Myen ngu ai na dat yang grai myit machyi ai.

Jamjau nga ai Myo kata na Hpyen yen jahpan,

1. Myitkyina - marai (1379)
2. Wai Maw - marai (1468)
3. Mo Nyin - marai (461)
4. Man Maw - marai (234)


Wunpawng Mungdan Shanglawt lu u ga!
Wunpawng Amyu Sha ni Shanglawt lu u ga!
Shanglawt Hpyen Dap Awng Dang u ga!

KIO's Statement August 17, 2011

17 8 2011 KIO Statement

Statement of SSPP/SSA

SSPP

ဦးေက်ာ္ဆန္း ေျပာဆိုခ်က္မ်ား အစိုးရသတင္းစာ ထိန္ခ်န္

Irrawaddy - Kyaw Sann

101 East - The world's longest ongoing war

Media Majan: Thein Sein Asuya hte KIA/KIO

Letter from members of the Senate Women's Caucus on Burma to Hillary Clinton

Ethnic militia challenges Burma's army, new government

Ethnic militia challenges Burma's army, new government

August 11, Voice of America
– Danielle Bernstein

Laiza, Burma – Clashes in Burma between an ethnic-based army and government forces are presenting a challenge to the country’s new government, the regime's relationship with its biggest ally, China, and also in its ability to maintain control of resource-rich and strategically important border areas. Although the conflict remains limited to a small region along the Chinese border, it has drawn international attention and public appeals from Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

In Laiza, a sleepy border town nestled in lush jungles and hills, children are coming home from school, soldiers with rifles on motorbikes are preparing to return to the frontlines, and a Catholic priest is leading a service for internally displaced persons in an IDP camp.

The latter group kneels on the floor, surrounded by children playing, sick people sleeping and families eating in the dusty, smoky hall. The Kachin are devoutly Christian and priests in Laiza have been working overtime to minister to some 7,000 newly arrived refugees in town who have fled nearby fighting.

One refugee described being forced to act as a porter for Burmese troops before the latest violence flared.

Increasing number of displaced persons

He said that in the past, Burmese troops forced him for months to carry heavy loads and ammunition for them. He said he was beaten with a rifle butt for being slow. He said that when the recent tensions started, he just ran away.

Local aid workers say that in all, about 16,000 people have been displaced by the fighting on the Taping River, where a Chinese corporation is building two hydroelectric dams.

Many of those fleeing want to cross into China. However, Chinese officials have refused entry, saying the fighting is not close enough to the border to grant asylum.

La Rip, who founded a refugee association to help people displaced by the conflict, said Burmese troops have emptied villages by threatening violence against locals if they are attacked by the ethnic militia known as the Kachin Independence Army.

“The Burmese army already came in the village and dug a bunker in front of houses, and threatened them," said Rip. "If the KIA shoots us, we’ll burn down the whole village. That village is very close to Laiza.”


KIA, Burmese troops clash

The Burmese government accuses the KIA of starting the conflict in June by attacking the Chinese-built dam. The KIA insists government forces started hostilities as early as May, when they fired mortars at their bases, and says its troops have responded only defensively.

Kachin commanders say the fighting has meant an end to a 17-year-old ceasefire intended to prevent large-scale clashes between Burmese forces and the ethnic militia.

Kachin militia commander Chyana Zaw Awn said the Burmese officials are using the construction of the dams as an excuse to go after his forces, because they refused to become border guards, working under the military.

“The source of the conflict is the refusal of the border guard force proposal," he said. "Since we reject that proposal, they have been looking for a way to ignite the conflict. So they have used the security of the Chinese investments as an excuse. We believe that they have planned from the beginning to eliminate the ethnic troops. It is the Burmese government’s strategic plan to eliminate the ethnic armies."

Pleas for peace

U.S. and Chinese officials have urged all parties to settle the conflict peacefully. The conflict also has drawn in Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Last month, the Nobel laureate wrote an open letter to Burma’s President Thein Sein appealing for peace talks.

The KIA’s vice chief of staff, General Gun Maw, has been pushing for a new ceasefire agreement to bring an end to the conflict. But he is seeking discussions covering much more than the conflict in Laiza.

“We want a nationwide ceasefire in all conflict areas, and then we’d like to move toward political dialogue," said Maw. "They seem to be happy to discuss peace, but don’t mention politics. They want a ceasefire, but are not willing to engage in political dialogue. What we want is real, genuine federalism. This word scares the Burmese.”

It is unclear how much leverage the KIA has to force the government to the negotiating table. Despite calls from Aung San Suu Kyi and others inside Burma for the government to discuss the standoff, officials have been unwilling to directly talk to the group. The government has appointed two envoys to talk to the militias, but they do not have the authority to negotiate.

Maw warns that his forces will escalate fighting if the standoff continues. “We are ready to go back to guerilla warfare, if it comes to that, we are ready to carry on the revolution. I believe the biggest battle has not yet been fought. The main thing is, they want to eliminate the ethnic groups,” he said.

Kachin state is not a densely populated area. Laiza has a population of about 10,000 people. The state is slightly larger than 89,000 square kilometers, a fraction of which is KIA-controlled territory. All urban areas are controlled by the Burmese government, as well as key mining areas and rivers, which the KIA was required to hand over as part of the 1994 ceasefire.

Sixty-three year-old Burma-analyst Aung Kyaw Zaw was once a soldier and a member of the Burma Communist Party. He stresses the importance of Kachin state’s location between India and China, and points up that it is where headwaters of the country’s vital Irawaddy river flow south.

“KIA is the very clever insurgent in the northeast," he said. "They know international politics and the Burmese politics and Chinese politics. It is not easy to face Kachin leaders.”

Strategic resources in play

Resource-rich Kachin state, littered with gold and jade mines, teakwood, rubber and banana plantations, is small but potentially profitable. Htoo Trading, a conglomerate owned by one of Burma’s richest business men, U Tayza, has a joint venture with a Russian mining company searching for uranium near local jade mines.

Outside analysts say they are watching to see if the militias will be able to broaden their struggle against Burma’s military to involve other ethnic groups. Ahnan is a spokesperson from the environmental watchdog group, Burma Rivers Network, who said other ethnic groups feel the Burmese government is cutting them out of lucrative projects, such as the hydroelectric dams.

“A lot of anger [is] happening around the country, and also some of the development projects in ethnic areas, so it’s really possible civil conflict happens inside the country,” said Ahnan.

KIA commanders in Laiza expect the fighting to increase when the rainy season ends in September. Maw said he believes much of the fighting is still ahead.

Irrawaddy Appeal from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

BURMA: Conceptual difference of “Peace” and “Ceasefire” hamper negotiation process

BURMA: Conceptual difference of “Peace” and “Ceasefire” hamper negotiation process

Tuesday, 09 August 2011 11:49 Sai Wansai
By: Sai Wansai
Tuesday, 9 August 2011

Last week, KIO/KIA prepared a set of questions for Col Than Aung, the Kachin State minister for border affairs and head of the government emissary, who was sent to negotiate about possible ceasefire conditions.
The questions among others include:
• Who has given order to the team to negotiate?
• How “peace” should be defined by both parties?
• How should the term “ceasefire” be interpreted or understood?
• How much negotiation power is vested in the negotiation team?
• In case, if one party breaks the ceasefire agreement, who will be responsible to take action?
• What is the government opinion on “Panglong Agreement”?
• How would the government consider KIO/KIA as an organisation?

(Source: RFA - 2011-08-05)

Of all the questions posed, defining “peace” and “ceasefire” are two most crucial terms, which the contending parties must agree upon, if ever the ongoing ethnic conflict is to be resolved.

Martin Luther King, Jr. said, “True peace is not merely the absence of tension; it is the presence of justice.” And Eleanor Roosevelt emphasized, “It isn’t enough to talk about peace. One must believe in it. And it isn’t enough to believe in it. One must work at it.”

Peace is a state of harmony characterized by the lack of violent conflict. Commonly understood as the absence of hostility, peace also suggests the existence of healthy or newly healed interpersonal or international relationships, prosperity in matters of social or economic welfare, the establishment of equality, and a working political order that serves the true interests of all. In international relations, peacetime is not only the absence of war or conflict, but also the presence of cultural and economic understanding and unity.
(Source: Wikipedia)

The online free dictionary states two points; one is the absence of war or other hostilities; and the other, an agreement or a treaty to end hostilities.
Generally, ceasefire could include an order to stop firing and suspension of active hostilities; a truce.

A ceasefire (or truce) is a temporary stoppage of a war in which each side agrees with the other to suspend aggressive actions. Ceasefires may be declared as part of a formal treaty, but they have also been called as part of an informal understanding between opposing forces. An armistice is a formal agreement to end fighting.
Israeli–Palestinian conflict

An example of a ceasefire in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict was announced between Israel and the Palestinian National Authority on February 8, 2005. When announced, chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat publicly defined the ceasefire as follows: "We have agreed that today President Mahmoud Abbas will declare a full cessation of violence against Israelis anywhere and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon will declare a full cessation of violence and military activities against Palestinians anywhere."
(Source:Wikipedia)

As far as peace is concerned, the successive military regimes and the recent, military-backed government have never spelled out their position clearly, on how they would like to achieve.

What the ethnic armed resistance forces have experienced by now is either to surrender, become government militia or ceasefire arrangement, which the Burmese government misleadingly called “Peace groups”. In short, there is no “give-and-take” negotiation process, but just being asked to follow the prescribed regime’s plan and become part and parcel of its administrative apparatus, one way or the other.
The coercive planned integration of the ceasefire ethnic armed ceasefire armies into its Border Guard Force (BGF) under the Burma Army is the case in point, which went terribly wrong, when it has been rejected and resisted aggressively to the dismay of the Burmese government.

Former ceasefire armies like KIO/KIA, SSPP/SSA, and the large portion of DKBA resisted Burma Army furiously, while the UWSA rejected the BGF plan, although not yet in open armed conflict with the Burma Army.

As a result, Burma is now on the brink of a full blown civil war, just because the regime likes to have its radical, racial and military supremacy way without compromising or accommodating the aspirations of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities’ rights of self-determination.

The Panglong Agreement of 12th February 1947, to join with U Aung San and the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League) and leaders of Shan, Kachin and Chin nationalities, to live together under one flag as co-independent and equal nations, marks the birth of a nation-state now known as "Union of Burma".

It is not an exaggeration to state that without Panglong Agreement or Accord, signifying the intent and willingness of the free peoples and nations of what could be termed British Indochina, there would have not been born the Union of Burma in 1948.

This Panglong Agreement, which emphasizes the rights of self-determination, democracy and equality have been denied by successive military regimes and this has been the roots of the conflict, encompassing all non-Burman nationalities.
As such, while the ceasefire agreement is seen as a kind of partial surrender, eventually leading to total integration into Burma Army or dissolving the ceasefire armies, it was understood as a temporary cessation of war on the way to iron out a settlement through political, negotiation process, by the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

A Kachin leader recently pointed out that the Burmese military, during SLORC regime had maintained that political settlement should be carried out only with the future elected government, for it was only a military caretaker government. And after almost five decades, the negotiation process has not started. Perhaps, the military-backed government likes all to believe that its 2008 Constitution is carved into stone and that everyone has to abide by it. Ironically, the people of Burma knows that the constitutional drafting, constitutional referendum to nation-wide elections were all flawed, rigged and manipulated to suit the military leadership, from the beginning to the end.

For now, no one is quite sure, whether the military, status quo faction of Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo, Gen Than Shwe’s protégé, or President Thein Sein, who is backed by Thura Shwe Mann, the parliament house speaker, is calling the shots, where offensive against the ceasefire armies is concerned.

Just as the KIO/KIA pointed out clearly, so long as the definition of “peace” and “ceasefire” terms are not understood on the same wave length and the power vested to the ceasefire negotiation team not crystal clear, meaningless ceasefire talks will lead us nowhere and the armed conflict between the KIO/KIA and the Burma Army will continue unabated. Consequently, the war in Shan, Karenni, Karen and Mon states will likely go on, at the expense of the people.

The author is General Secretary of the exiled Shan Democratic Union.

August(10) SHARE SHAGAN N'HTOI

5-8-2011 (2009 Shre Shgan Mungga)

2009 NING AUGUST(10) SHARE SHAGAN N'HTOI HTE SENG AI MUNGGA, JINGHPAW WUNPAWNG AMYU SHA LANGAI HKU NNA CHYE TAWN RA AI LAM NI HPE BAI NDAU SHABRA DAT AI LAM RE.

OKA

ABSDF(NB)

ABSDF - NB

Uncertain Futures

Uncertain Futures

8888 - 23rd Anniversary

Myanmar Democracy and Burma Army?

Burma Democracy and Burma Army

UNFC's Reply to the Open Letter

UNITED NATIONALITIES FEDERAL COUNCIL (Union of Burma)
Reply to the Open Letter
August 5, 2011

To,
The People’s Leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,

We, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), received in good order your open letter, dated July 28, 2011, sent to President U Thein Sein and our UNFC member organizations, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Karen National Union (KNU), the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA). Instead of the UNFC member organizations, to which the letter was addressed, making a reply individually, we, the UNFC comprising of almost all the armed organizations, would like to make a reply regarding our position, on behalf of all the member organizations.

Before clarifying our position, we would like to make some introduction with regard to the UNFC. The Conference of the Ethnic Nationalities, held from February 12 to 16, 2011, founded the UNFC. The member organizations of the UNFC are – the (1) Kachin Independence Organization - KIO, (2) Karen National Union - KNU, (3) Karenni National Progressive Party - KNPP, (4) Chin National Front - CNF, (5) New Mon State Party - NMSP, (6) Shan State Progress Party - SSPP, (7) Pa-ao National Liberation Organization - PNLO, (8) Palaung State Liberation Front - PSLF, (9) Arakan National Council - ANC, (10) Lahu Democratic Union - LDU, (11) Wa National Organization - WNO and (12) Kachin National Organization - KNO. The UNFC’s political goal is the establishment a ‘Genuine Federal Union, which guarantees full rights of National Equality and Self-determination within the States’.

We, the UNFC, would like to present also our basic position and view regarding the current Union of Burma. From the historical perspective, we see that the land area of the current Union of Burma is an entity composed of the traditional lands of the ethnic nationalities, including that of the Burman ethnic nationality. Moreover, it has become an independent State that has gained liberation from colonial rule and serfdom, as a result of the collective struggle. For that reason, it is a State owned collectively by all the ethnic nationalities. In this collectively owned State, we the ethnic nationalities aspire to live together in harmony and unity with full ethnic and equal political rights. When we peacefully submitted our request for that aspiration, it has not only been rejected, but as action has been taken against us also with armed attacks, we had no choice but to take up arms in self-defense.

The over 60-year long nationality question is being confronted only with military suppression without any action for resolution by political means, the multi-ethnic people of the country have to face with all kinds of difficulties, as the country is behind in progress in spite of our country having abundant natural resources. Though the people are citizens of a free country, none of the ethnic nationalities including the Burman, has ever had an opportunity to enjoy the taste of freedom. Just like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we realize the adverse impacts the civil war has caused on the country and the negative effects resulting from the use of force to resolve the civil war. Accordingly, we would like to say in reply that we the armed ethnic nationality forces accept and support your proposal and call for resolution of the problem of armed conflict by political means, through dialogue and negotiation.



(Nai Han Tha)
General Secretary

Cease-Fire ..And Then ..What Next ??????

MYU TSAW SHARE SHAGAN NI HPANG DE BUGA NA MYU TSAW SHAYI A SHAGUN LAIKA

MYU TSAW SHARE SHAGAN NI HPANG DE BUGA NA MYU TSAW SHAYI A SHAGUN LAIKA

Anhte Wunpawng Mungdan Shanglawt lu na matu woi-awn ningshawng tai nga ai Hkungga, tsaw ra kam hpa ai, Myu tsaw, Mung tsaw share shagan ni e…

Ya yang e anhte Jinghpaw Wunpawng Mung daw hte lahta Sam mung hta KIA ni hte myen ni gasat nga ai hte seng nna anhte buga kaw na ni gaw ndai hku mu mada ga ai. Ya anhte ni gaw shi ga hpe gaw madung hku nna Radio hte DVB tv ni madat, yu nna sha, myit n-dik ka-un nga ga ai.

Ya yang e gap hkat nga ai lam hpe kaji mi mung n mai jahkring na re, gap hkat jahkring na nga yang anhte buga hkan e nga ai amyu sha ni grai pawt wa ma ai. Gap hkat jahkring na lam hpe Kaji mi pyi n hkraw ma ai. Anhte buga shara shagu hkan e nga nga ai amyu sha ni mung rawt malan magam hkrun lam hta shang lawm na matu yawng jin jin sha re.

Hpa majaw nga yang, ya aten hta, mung masha ni sha jamjau nga ga ai re. Anhte hpe Myen hpyen ni gaw roi rip ai, zingri ai, dip da ai, dai zawn re ai hpe kachyi mi pyi n ra sharawng ga ai. n kam hkam ga ai. Matut nna mung zingri na, roi rip na sha naw rai nga ai. Raitim ya yang gaw anhte buga shara shagu hta nga nga ga ai amyu sha ni mung hkam sharang kau na re, machyi hkam kau na re, shanglawt lu wa ai shani gaw ngwi pyaw na re hpe myit mada let, ya yang e gaw machyi hkam kau na ga ai. Rawt malan gasat na magam bungli hta mung shang lawm na jin jin rai nga saga ai. Lu ai laknak hpai, lang nna gasat na re. Ya na zawn re ai rawt malan hkrun lam hta gaw machyi mung hkam ra ai, sum mung sum hkam ra ai, si mung si hkam ra ai lam hpe anhte chye na nga ga ai. Dai rai yang she lani mi hta anhte myit mada ai pandung rai nga ai manu dan ai shanglawt nam chyim lu na re.

Lai wa sai aten ni hta mung anhte a kanu kawa ni, kashu, kasha ni a du, baw, law law ap nawng lai wa ma sai. Dai ni yawng gaw anhte amyu sha ni shanglawt lu na matu arang bang ai lam rai sai. Hpa lam hta raitim arang bang ai lam nga ra ai. Arang bang ai ngu ai gaw kaman lila n rai na re. Nsin lai jang, nhtoi htoi wa na re.

Shanglawt ni rawt malan ai gaw ya na zawn nhkru ai, n tara ai, Roi rip ai, zingri ai kaw na lawt na matu she rawt malan ai re. Myen hte bai pawng na matu n rai nga ai. KIO/KIA ningbaw kaba ni mung myen hte naw pawng mayu ai zawn zawn, n gwi ai zawn zawn hkum galaw mu, hkum ung-ang mu. Ya yang jamjau nga ai Mung masha ni hpe mung n agam ra ai, awng dang hkra she shakut ga. Anhte amyu sha ni hpe Karai Kasang mung grai karum nga ai, matut nna mung karum na re. Anhte kam sham nga ai Karai Kasang gaw anhte a Awng Padang re.

Myu tsaw Shayi langai

Lambraw Yang

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Laika ndai hpe shalai shagun ya ai Slg. Nsang Gum San hpe Chyeju dum ga ai.
OKA

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