Uranium enrichment, weapons testing and long-range missile launches to be stopped in return for US food as part of deal.
Last Modified: 29 Feb 2012 23:37
North Korea has agreed to stop nuclear tests, uranium enrichment and long-range missile launches and to allow nuclear inspectors to visit its Yongbyon nuclear complex to verify the moratorium has been enforced.
The announcement, made simultaneously by the US state department and North Korea's official news agency on Wednesday, paves the way for the possible resumption of six-party disarmament negotiations with the Communist state, and follows talks between US and North Korean diplomats in Beijing last week.
It also marks a significant policy shift by North Korea's reclusive leadership after the death in December of veteran leader Kim Jong-il.
"The DPRK, upon request by the US and with a view to maintaining positive atmosphere for the DPRK-US high-level talks, agreed to a moratorium on nuclear tests, long-range missile launches, and uranium enrichment activity at Yongbyon and allow the IAEA to monitor the moratorium on uranium enrichment while productive dialogues continue," North Korea's official KCNA news agency said.
North Korea is known formally as the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK).
'Profound concerns'
The state department said that in return the US was ready to finalise details of a proposed food aid package of 240,000 metric tonnes of nutritional assistance, and that more aid could be agreed based on continued need.
"The United States still has profound concerns regarding North Korean behaviour across a wide range of areas, but today's announcement reflects important, if limited, progress in addressing some of these," a state department statement said.
Al Jazeera's Kimberly Halkett, reporting from Washington DC, said that it was against US foreign policy to link "nutritional assistance" with political developments.
"[This move] is certainly going to come under the microscope in terms of US policy. The US has used [food aid] successfully as leverage and there is going to be some talk about that," she said.
The surprise announcement comes as the Obama administration steps up pressure on Iran over its atomic ambitions, which Western governments fear are aimed at producing nuclear weapons.
The announcement followed talks between the US and with North Korea last week in Beijing, the first such meeting since veteran leader Kim Jong-il's son, Kim Jong-un, succeeded his father as leader.
Six-party talks
North Korea agreed to curtail its nuclear activities under an aid-for-denuclearisation agreement reached in September 2005 by six-party talks bringing together North and South Korea, China, Japan, Russia and the US.
Under the agreement, the North agreed to abandon its nuclear programmes in exchange for economic and diplomatic incentives to be provided by the other parties involved in the negotiations.
But the embryonic deal was never fully implemented.
Instead, the North held two nuclear test blasts - in 2006 and 2009 - and later disclosed a uranium enrichment programme, giving it a second path to obtaining fissile material for bombs, in addition to its long-standing programme of producing plutonium.
The US, South Korea and their allies had been sceptical of North Korea's assertions that it stands ready to return to the six-party talks, and said they would insist on demonstrable evidence of the country's willingness to denuclearise before any such talks could resume.
Source: Al Jazeera and agencies
Wednesday, February 29, 2012
Saturday, February 25, 2012
Friday, February 24, 2012
Wednesday, February 22, 2012
Burma must end civil war ahead of reforms
Burma must end civil war ahead of reforms
By Zin Linn
Feb 22, 2012 12:33AM UTC
What really happened to people in Kachin State? Why don’t the government’s armed forces stop fighting there? Who is taking advantage of this unreasonable war? There are lots of questions relating to this inhumane war launched by Burmese government against the Kachin ethnic people.
If current government has genuine political reform plan, first of all it should call a unilateral ceasefire to show sympathy on the war victims and innocent civilians. It should think over the result of this war, a waste of many lives.
In the hope of setting up political dialogue, the KIO signed a ceasefire agreement with the central government on February 24, 1994. However, no political dialogue happened in the 17-year ceasefire and the KIO was pressured to give up its weapons and transform into a Burmese Army-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF) ahead of the 2010 November 7 election. The KIO turned down the BGF plan, saying it cannot accept weakening its armed wing.
KIA officials repeatedly said the civil war would spread across Kachin and Shan states if the government expanded its aggressive offensive against the KIO. The latest series of armed clashes in Kachin state have prompted observers to think that warfare in the border regions may not be avoidable.
Last week, over 1,500kg of rice recently harvested by farmers in war-torn Kachin state were set ablaze by government soldiers in Waingmaw Township on the Myitkyina-Bhamo road, eyewitnesses told Kachin News Group.
On February 16 and 17, soldiers from the Meiktila-based Light Infantry Division No. 88 ransacked a great quantity of rice paddies in Mali Yang village. The arson attack followed heavy fighting in the area between the Burmese army and fighters from Brigade 5 of the Kachin Independence Army.
Looting or destroying farmers’ crops is a common policy of Burma Army to carry out communal penalties in conflict zones.
Although the government says it is on the democratic reform path, its armed forces continued destroying civilians’ properties and killing unarmed civilians this month. Even though the battle between the KIO and government troops seemed to ease earlier this year, the intensity of the warfare has gradually increased over the past few weeks.
Fighting has been particularly intense in northern Shan State along the proposed route of the Shwe gas pipeline project.
Peace talks between the two sides which were expected to be held last week failed to take place after the Burmese government delegation objected to meeting again in China.
Although the government has been attempting through two peacemaking teams, the key ethnic rebel groups, Karen National Union (KNU) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) are still unconvinced of the move for political settlement.
The ethnic armed groups do not trust the government’s offer of peace talks. The fact is that while offering a peace plan, the government has been increasing its deployment of armed forces in the conflict zones. Besides, the Burma Army’s soldiers are on the loose, committing lots of crimes and human rights abuses in the ethnic territories.
The difficulties of ending the war against the KNU and the KIO are entwined with the natural resources profits in the respective ethnic states. The Myitsone Dam venture and Shwe-gas twin pipeline development projects are entangled with war against KIO and the Dawei deepsea port project needs a security guarantee from the KNU.
Moreover, the government wants to show the international community that their peacemaking course is on track By doing so, the regime could earn the trust from the Western democracies and sanctions may lift at the same time.
Since the end of a 17-year ceasefire between the Burmese government and the KIO in June 2010, more than 70,000 war refugees have abandoned their homes in native Kachin and northern Shan state. The majority of the refugees have fled to KIO areas where the UN and international NGOs have been unreachable.
By Zin Linn
Feb 22, 2012 12:33AM UTCWhat really happened to people in Kachin State? Why don’t the government’s armed forces stop fighting there? Who is taking advantage of this unreasonable war? There are lots of questions relating to this inhumane war launched by Burmese government against the Kachin ethnic people.
If current government has genuine political reform plan, first of all it should call a unilateral ceasefire to show sympathy on the war victims and innocent civilians. It should think over the result of this war, a waste of many lives.
In the hope of setting up political dialogue, the KIO signed a ceasefire agreement with the central government on February 24, 1994. However, no political dialogue happened in the 17-year ceasefire and the KIO was pressured to give up its weapons and transform into a Burmese Army-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF) ahead of the 2010 November 7 election. The KIO turned down the BGF plan, saying it cannot accept weakening its armed wing.
KIA officials repeatedly said the civil war would spread across Kachin and Shan states if the government expanded its aggressive offensive against the KIO. The latest series of armed clashes in Kachin state have prompted observers to think that warfare in the border regions may not be avoidable.
Last week, over 1,500kg of rice recently harvested by farmers in war-torn Kachin state were set ablaze by government soldiers in Waingmaw Township on the Myitkyina-Bhamo road, eyewitnesses told Kachin News Group.
On February 16 and 17, soldiers from the Meiktila-based Light Infantry Division No. 88 ransacked a great quantity of rice paddies in Mali Yang village. The arson attack followed heavy fighting in the area between the Burmese army and fighters from Brigade 5 of the Kachin Independence Army.
Looting or destroying farmers’ crops is a common policy of Burma Army to carry out communal penalties in conflict zones.
Although the government says it is on the democratic reform path, its armed forces continued destroying civilians’ properties and killing unarmed civilians this month. Even though the battle between the KIO and government troops seemed to ease earlier this year, the intensity of the warfare has gradually increased over the past few weeks.
Fighting has been particularly intense in northern Shan State along the proposed route of the Shwe gas pipeline project.
Peace talks between the two sides which were expected to be held last week failed to take place after the Burmese government delegation objected to meeting again in China.
Although the government has been attempting through two peacemaking teams, the key ethnic rebel groups, Karen National Union (KNU) and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) are still unconvinced of the move for political settlement.
The ethnic armed groups do not trust the government’s offer of peace talks. The fact is that while offering a peace plan, the government has been increasing its deployment of armed forces in the conflict zones. Besides, the Burma Army’s soldiers are on the loose, committing lots of crimes and human rights abuses in the ethnic territories.
The difficulties of ending the war against the KNU and the KIO are entwined with the natural resources profits in the respective ethnic states. The Myitsone Dam venture and Shwe-gas twin pipeline development projects are entangled with war against KIO and the Dawei deepsea port project needs a security guarantee from the KNU.
Moreover, the government wants to show the international community that their peacemaking course is on track By doing so, the regime could earn the trust from the Western democracies and sanctions may lift at the same time.
Since the end of a 17-year ceasefire between the Burmese government and the KIO in June 2010, more than 70,000 war refugees have abandoned their homes in native Kachin and northern Shan state. The majority of the refugees have fled to KIO areas where the UN and international NGOs have been unreachable.
Tuesday, February 21, 2012
Sunday, February 19, 2012
Friday, February 17, 2012
Tuesday, February 14, 2012
Monday, February 13, 2012
Sunday, February 12, 2012
Burma: Discrediting Panglong initiative will not result in reform
By Zin Linn Feb
12, 2012 5:59PM UTC
Today is the 65th anniversary of the Union Day of Burma. It marks the signing ceremony of the ‘Historic Panglong Agreement’ between General Aung San and the leaders of Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing a genuine federal union of Burma. However, Burma’s successive decision makers have neglected the political contract between Burmese and the ethnic leaders of independence.
Even with the President Thein Sein government, the contract has been put aside since the cabinet is dominated by former generals. Besides, Burma’s new 2008 Constitution distributes many problems for political parties, ethnic cease-fire groups and exiled dissident factions seeking some common initiative between ethnic groups and the current governments.
To address the interconnected ethnic problems, the current government must review the mistakes of past rulings and the political aspirations of the ethnic communities. The root cause of the nation’s ethnic political mayhem is the consecutive governments’ antagonism to a democratic federal union. The late dictator, Ne Win, who seized power in a military coup in 1962, opposed sharing equal authority in a series of heated debates in the then legislative body.
Ne Win supported a unitary state over a genuine federal union. The Military Council headed by Ne Win declared that the military coup had taken place because of the “federation topic,” which he said could lead to the disintegration of the nation. Equality of ethnic minorities with the Burmese majority was to him out of the question. When Ne Win seized power, he demolished the 1948 Constitution. At the same time, the Panglong Agreement, which promised autonomy or self-determination of the ethnic groups, was broken and abrogated.
In actual fact, it is a fair demand for self-sufficiency among the respective ethnic minorities. No government should use guns to govern ethnic minorities. If one looks back to 1960-61, many leaders from ethnic states criticized the weakness of the constitution as well as the government’s failure to take in the political autonomy of the ethnic minorities.
They pointed the finger at the central government for not allowing the representatives of ethnic states to manage their own affairs in areas of economy, judiciary, education, customs and so on. The central government ruled the ethnic areas as vassal states.
Sen-Gen Than Shwe has followed the tradition of his predecessor Ne Win and Saw Maung, who both defended the single unitary state. “All the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the Defense Services,” says section 337 of the 2008 constitution. It means ethnic armed troops are under state control.
Under the 2008 constitution, the junta-sponsored Nov. 7 elections, there are only 330 civilian seats in the 440-member House of Representatives whereas the remaining 110 seats are taken by military officials appointed by the commander-in-chief. In the 224-seat House of Nationalities, 168 Members of Parliament are elected and 56 representatives are appointed by the chief of the armed forces.
As published in the state-owned newspapers, the list of military personnel to serve as military representatives in the 7 State and 7 Region parliaments totals to 222.
Moreover, the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide in the polls which declared seizing 882 out of 1154 seats in parliaments. Remarkably, 77 percent of the parliamentary seats have been seized by the military-backed USDP in the 2010 polls which were distinguished for vote-rigging.
Hence, several ethnic leaders asserted that they don’t have faith in the planned 2010 election where they are likely to have limited opportunities which is not may not go onto create a genuinely peaceful federal union; the Burmese armed-forces take 25 percent of all seats and also seize additional 77 percent through junta-backed parties in the latest parliaments as set by the 2008 Constitution.
In such a parliament, dominated by the military and former military, ethnic representatives have little or no chance to press the self-sufficiency and equal status issues in parliament. Authentic ethnic representatives, who are willing to push ethnic issues forward, have no opportunity to occupy enough seats in the military faction monopolized-parliament to form an effective coalition.
Without addressing and honoring the ethnic people’s demand for self-determination, the latest parliament-based government seems unable to stop political and civil strife throughout ethnic areas. In reality, ethnic people’s demand for equal rights is not a new one but already mentioned in the 1947-Panglong agreement.
Burma’s sixty-four year-old Historic Panglong Agreement has been ignored by the consecutive Burmese regimes. The said agreement has been disregarded by the military leaders as they did not support the ‘Federalism’since 1962. The Panglong Agreement was signed on Feb. 12, 1947, between General Aung San and leaders of the Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing to establish a genuine federal union of Burma.
National reconciliation and ethnic self-determination are two sides of the same coin, and they must be addressed in the new parliament and in respective regional and state parliaments. If the current government fails to deal with the Panglong initiative or equal rights of ethnic minorities, its so-called political reforms will not be a meaningful process.
Today is the 65th anniversary of the Union Day of Burma. It marks the signing ceremony of the ‘Historic Panglong Agreement’ between General Aung San and the leaders of Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing a genuine federal union of Burma. However, Burma’s successive decision makers have neglected the political contract between Burmese and the ethnic leaders of independence.
Even with the President Thein Sein government, the contract has been put aside since the cabinet is dominated by former generals. Besides, Burma’s new 2008 Constitution distributes many problems for political parties, ethnic cease-fire groups and exiled dissident factions seeking some common initiative between ethnic groups and the current governments.
To address the interconnected ethnic problems, the current government must review the mistakes of past rulings and the political aspirations of the ethnic communities. The root cause of the nation’s ethnic political mayhem is the consecutive governments’ antagonism to a democratic federal union. The late dictator, Ne Win, who seized power in a military coup in 1962, opposed sharing equal authority in a series of heated debates in the then legislative body.
Ne Win supported a unitary state over a genuine federal union. The Military Council headed by Ne Win declared that the military coup had taken place because of the “federation topic,” which he said could lead to the disintegration of the nation. Equality of ethnic minorities with the Burmese majority was to him out of the question. When Ne Win seized power, he demolished the 1948 Constitution. At the same time, the Panglong Agreement, which promised autonomy or self-determination of the ethnic groups, was broken and abrogated.
In actual fact, it is a fair demand for self-sufficiency among the respective ethnic minorities. No government should use guns to govern ethnic minorities. If one looks back to 1960-61, many leaders from ethnic states criticized the weakness of the constitution as well as the government’s failure to take in the political autonomy of the ethnic minorities.
They pointed the finger at the central government for not allowing the representatives of ethnic states to manage their own affairs in areas of economy, judiciary, education, customs and so on. The central government ruled the ethnic areas as vassal states.
Sen-Gen Than Shwe has followed the tradition of his predecessor Ne Win and Saw Maung, who both defended the single unitary state. “All the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the Defense Services,” says section 337 of the 2008 constitution. It means ethnic armed troops are under state control.
Under the 2008 constitution, the junta-sponsored Nov. 7 elections, there are only 330 civilian seats in the 440-member House of Representatives whereas the remaining 110 seats are taken by military officials appointed by the commander-in-chief. In the 224-seat House of Nationalities, 168 Members of Parliament are elected and 56 representatives are appointed by the chief of the armed forces.
As published in the state-owned newspapers, the list of military personnel to serve as military representatives in the 7 State and 7 Region parliaments totals to 222.
Moreover, the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide in the polls which declared seizing 882 out of 1154 seats in parliaments. Remarkably, 77 percent of the parliamentary seats have been seized by the military-backed USDP in the 2010 polls which were distinguished for vote-rigging.
Hence, several ethnic leaders asserted that they don’t have faith in the planned 2010 election where they are likely to have limited opportunities which is not may not go onto create a genuinely peaceful federal union; the Burmese armed-forces take 25 percent of all seats and also seize additional 77 percent through junta-backed parties in the latest parliaments as set by the 2008 Constitution.
In such a parliament, dominated by the military and former military, ethnic representatives have little or no chance to press the self-sufficiency and equal status issues in parliament. Authentic ethnic representatives, who are willing to push ethnic issues forward, have no opportunity to occupy enough seats in the military faction monopolized-parliament to form an effective coalition.
Without addressing and honoring the ethnic people’s demand for self-determination, the latest parliament-based government seems unable to stop political and civil strife throughout ethnic areas. In reality, ethnic people’s demand for equal rights is not a new one but already mentioned in the 1947-Panglong agreement.
Burma’s sixty-four year-old Historic Panglong Agreement has been ignored by the consecutive Burmese regimes. The said agreement has been disregarded by the military leaders as they did not support the ‘Federalism’since 1962. The Panglong Agreement was signed on Feb. 12, 1947, between General Aung San and leaders of the Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing to establish a genuine federal union of Burma.
National reconciliation and ethnic self-determination are two sides of the same coin, and they must be addressed in the new parliament and in respective regional and state parliaments. If the current government fails to deal with the Panglong initiative or equal rights of ethnic minorities, its so-called political reforms will not be a meaningful process.
Nang, Ngai gara kaw tsap nga a ta?
Ya ten na mung masa mahkyen mareng aten hta..Jinghpaw WP Amyu sha ni sung sung myit ra saga ai ...(1) Thein Sein Asuya hte Myen Hpyen Hpung ni tsun nga ai 2008 Nargis Constitution hpe hkap la na kun? (2) Panglong Agreement hte Panglong Spirit kaw npawt tawn ai federal mung masa de sa wa na kun? (3)Mungdan langai hku nna garan pru na kun?
Mungdan langai hku nna garan pru na nga yang.. anhte a hpyen n-gun hpe yawm dik 70,000 daram sharawt sa wa ra na re..Ninghkap majan kaw na Htim Shagrawt Maden Majan madawng de sharawt sa wa ra na re..Jinghpaw ni ya shakut nga ai hpyen masa mung masa hte sut masa hpe htam (10) daram matut shakut ra na ga ai..ya hkyak hkyak gaw Kachin Political Prisoners kade nga ai jahpan hpe pyi nchye shi ai atsang hta she naw rai nga ga ai..grai naw shakut ga..mung masa dang ai ni mung masa..hpyen masa dang ai ni hpyen de..sut hpaga shakut ai ni mung nsharam ai madi shadaw tik tik..Humanitarian chye chyang ai ni bungli mung nsim nsa..Legal System hpe galaw na mung ndang nla..mau nga, ung-ang taw nga na aten myi shang nnga kun?
Ya ten na mung masa hpe dinglik wa ai shaloi mung Thein Seng Asuya hte Myen Hpyen Hpung ni gaw Hka-li langai hta sha rau jawn nga ai hpe asan chye na ra ai..January 20, 2012 ya shani Thein Sein hte The Washington Post ni interview galaw ai shaloi.. Thein Sein tsun ai hta “ya sa wa nga ai democracy ninggam ni gaw 1990 ning kaw na myit sawn shingran nhtawm (7) Step Road Map hte maren galaw sa wa ai lam re”..ngu asan sha tsun dan sai..anhte yawng a shawnglam bungli mung hpa rai ta? asan sha rai na sai.
Yumaya Hpyen Magamgun Dingsa
Mungdan langai hku nna garan pru na nga yang.. anhte a hpyen n-gun hpe yawm dik 70,000 daram sharawt sa wa ra na re..Ninghkap majan kaw na Htim Shagrawt Maden Majan madawng de sharawt sa wa ra na re..Jinghpaw ni ya shakut nga ai hpyen masa mung masa hte sut masa hpe htam (10) daram matut shakut ra na ga ai..ya hkyak hkyak gaw Kachin Political Prisoners kade nga ai jahpan hpe pyi nchye shi ai atsang hta she naw rai nga ga ai..grai naw shakut ga..mung masa dang ai ni mung masa..hpyen masa dang ai ni hpyen de..sut hpaga shakut ai ni mung nsharam ai madi shadaw tik tik..Humanitarian chye chyang ai ni bungli mung nsim nsa..Legal System hpe galaw na mung ndang nla..mau nga, ung-ang taw nga na aten myi shang nnga kun?
Ya ten na mung masa hpe dinglik wa ai shaloi mung Thein Seng Asuya hte Myen Hpyen Hpung ni gaw Hka-li langai hta sha rau jawn nga ai hpe asan chye na ra ai..January 20, 2012 ya shani Thein Sein hte The Washington Post ni interview galaw ai shaloi.. Thein Sein tsun ai hta “ya sa wa nga ai democracy ninggam ni gaw 1990 ning kaw na myit sawn shingran nhtawm (7) Step Road Map hte maren galaw sa wa ai lam re”..ngu asan sha tsun dan sai..anhte yawng a shawnglam bungli mung hpa rai ta? asan sha rai na sai.
Yumaya Hpyen Magamgun Dingsa
Saturday, February 11, 2012
Wednesday, February 8, 2012
Reforms look uncertain as no reconciliation takes place in Burma
Feb 08, 2012 5:33PM UTC
Several citizens of Burma are still skeptical on government’s reform process. Most observers believe the situation is in a state of insecurity seeing that the conventional faction and moderate group in the cabinet are struggling for muscle.
On the surface, it looks like change started since government introduces reforms by letting some political space for Aung San Suu Kyi. In fact, reforms in the country continue uncertain, even with hopeful achievements made by President Thein Sein recently.
In an interview with Lally Weymouth of The Washington Post, President Thein Sein said his government has already fulfilled with Western demands, including freeing most political prisoners, setting up elections in April and allowing key opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and others to participate in political process.
President Thein Sein told Lally Weymouth, “I believe we have accomplished these steps already. What is needed from the Western countries is for them to do their part.”
But, the question is not such easy. People convince that president’s soft move is a motivation for the West to lift sanctions. Although Thein Sein puts on show of his soft stance, vice-president Tin Aung Myin Oo’s conventional faction is on his way. Tin Aung Myin Oo himself has been linking in the Myitsone-dam’s project in order to gain financial advantages via his cronies’ businesses.
The difficulties of ending the war against the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) are intertwined with the natural resources benefit in the Kachin State. Tin Aung Myin Oo and his conservative faction support continuation of the offensive in Kachin frontline since the group involved deeply in the energy projects including the Shwe-gas twin pipe-line, a multibillion dollar project that expected to do good to vice-president and his cronies’ quarter.
President Thein Sein had released orders two times, on December 10 and again on January 13, to halt fighting so as to cease the Burma Army’s Kachin offensive. Regardless of the president’s visible wishes, the government’s armed forces have continued waging the aggressive war against the KIA, killing many soldiers and civilians unnecessarily.
According to Kachin News Group, officers based in the KIA’s Laiza headquarters estimate that more than 20,000 combat soldiers from nearly 200 battalions have been assigned in the anti Kahin operation, the biggest military offensive in Burma in more than 18 years.
Several Kachin citizens believe the reason of renewing the war after a 17-year cease-fire is craving for natural resources in Kachin State by the Burmese military-backed government. That’s why it strive widening its control of the areas with Chinese power projects.
In an interview with The Washington Post, Aung San Suu Kyi said, “Although the president is the head of state, he is not necessarily the highest power in the land. The commander in chief can take over all powers of government at any time he feels it to be necessary. That must be very difficult if you are in the position in which our president is.”
Most analysts support Suu Kyi’s point of view since the Burma Army’s commander-in-chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing ignores the president’s order to end of hostilities on the Kachin frontline.
On the other hand, although Government holding ceasefire talks with Karen leaders recently, the humanitarian group Free Burma Rangers (FBR) has accused in its report that Burma Army has constantly violated human rights abuses and armed mobilization in Karen State, the Karen News said.
In Karen State no ceasefire agreement has yet been signed, but both the Karen National Union and the Government of Burma have ordered their troops not to shoot at each other. Despite the ‘no-shoot orders’ the FBR report has catalogued current incidents, including homicides and forced labor of villagers.
Despite agreeing to a ceasefire with the Karen National Union earlier this month, Burma Army has been transporting food rations, military supplies and reinforcements in the Myitta sub-township Tanintharyi Division which is now under the control of the KNU’s Brigade 4, the Karen News said.
If government is sincere enough, it should be taken responsibility of pulling out its troops from the frontline zones which are in actual fact under the influence of the ethnic armed groups. To build trust between two parties, the government must show goodwill towards the ethnic minorities.
Fighting between government forces and the Kachin resistance was particularly fierce these days in an area of northern Shan state scheduled to be the route of the Shwe-gas pipeline project into China.
Due to a good number of civilians’ protests last year, President Thein Sein postponed the Myitsone dam project sponsored by a Chinese company sharing with the Burmese military. That annoyed Chinese officials who think Thein Sein of trying to minimize China’s role and to persuade investment from the Western democracies.
Such projects are a source of tension. Also in the Karen State, the same kind of project has been on its way. The Burmese government has given a green light to a huge port and industrial estate development in Dawei. The Italian-Thai Development Public Company Limited (ITD) is a main contractor of the Dawei multi-billion mega project.
The planned area for the Dawei project is in a conflict zone between KNU and Burma Army. Company workers are worried about their security after being caught in the crossfire between the Burma Army and Karen fighters. A KNU source told Karen News that ITD have played down the threat to the Thai media, but privately are worried about increased conflict in the region.
In brief, reforms will not be materialized easily without addressing the armed conflicts in the ethnic areas so as to establish a national reconciliation environment.
Furthermore, the government itself needs to reorganize for one voice. Before peace talks with the ethnic groups, soft-liners or moderate faction and hardliners or conventional faction in the cabinet should pragmatically negotiate first to initiate a genuine reform in the insolvent country.
http://asiancorrespondent.com/75577/reforms-look-uncertain-as-no-reconciliation-takes-place-in-burma/
Several citizens of Burma are still skeptical on government’s reform process. Most observers believe the situation is in a state of insecurity seeing that the conventional faction and moderate group in the cabinet are struggling for muscle.
On the surface, it looks like change started since government introduces reforms by letting some political space for Aung San Suu Kyi. In fact, reforms in the country continue uncertain, even with hopeful achievements made by President Thein Sein recently.
In an interview with Lally Weymouth of The Washington Post, President Thein Sein said his government has already fulfilled with Western demands, including freeing most political prisoners, setting up elections in April and allowing key opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and others to participate in political process.
President Thein Sein told Lally Weymouth, “I believe we have accomplished these steps already. What is needed from the Western countries is for them to do their part.”
But, the question is not such easy. People convince that president’s soft move is a motivation for the West to lift sanctions. Although Thein Sein puts on show of his soft stance, vice-president Tin Aung Myin Oo’s conventional faction is on his way. Tin Aung Myin Oo himself has been linking in the Myitsone-dam’s project in order to gain financial advantages via his cronies’ businesses.
The difficulties of ending the war against the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) are intertwined with the natural resources benefit in the Kachin State. Tin Aung Myin Oo and his conservative faction support continuation of the offensive in Kachin frontline since the group involved deeply in the energy projects including the Shwe-gas twin pipe-line, a multibillion dollar project that expected to do good to vice-president and his cronies’ quarter.
President Thein Sein had released orders two times, on December 10 and again on January 13, to halt fighting so as to cease the Burma Army’s Kachin offensive. Regardless of the president’s visible wishes, the government’s armed forces have continued waging the aggressive war against the KIA, killing many soldiers and civilians unnecessarily.
According to Kachin News Group, officers based in the KIA’s Laiza headquarters estimate that more than 20,000 combat soldiers from nearly 200 battalions have been assigned in the anti Kahin operation, the biggest military offensive in Burma in more than 18 years.
Several Kachin citizens believe the reason of renewing the war after a 17-year cease-fire is craving for natural resources in Kachin State by the Burmese military-backed government. That’s why it strive widening its control of the areas with Chinese power projects.
In an interview with The Washington Post, Aung San Suu Kyi said, “Although the president is the head of state, he is not necessarily the highest power in the land. The commander in chief can take over all powers of government at any time he feels it to be necessary. That must be very difficult if you are in the position in which our president is.”
Most analysts support Suu Kyi’s point of view since the Burma Army’s commander-in-chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing ignores the president’s order to end of hostilities on the Kachin frontline.
On the other hand, although Government holding ceasefire talks with Karen leaders recently, the humanitarian group Free Burma Rangers (FBR) has accused in its report that Burma Army has constantly violated human rights abuses and armed mobilization in Karen State, the Karen News said.
In Karen State no ceasefire agreement has yet been signed, but both the Karen National Union and the Government of Burma have ordered their troops not to shoot at each other. Despite the ‘no-shoot orders’ the FBR report has catalogued current incidents, including homicides and forced labor of villagers.
Despite agreeing to a ceasefire with the Karen National Union earlier this month, Burma Army has been transporting food rations, military supplies and reinforcements in the Myitta sub-township Tanintharyi Division which is now under the control of the KNU’s Brigade 4, the Karen News said.
If government is sincere enough, it should be taken responsibility of pulling out its troops from the frontline zones which are in actual fact under the influence of the ethnic armed groups. To build trust between two parties, the government must show goodwill towards the ethnic minorities.
Fighting between government forces and the Kachin resistance was particularly fierce these days in an area of northern Shan state scheduled to be the route of the Shwe-gas pipeline project into China.
Due to a good number of civilians’ protests last year, President Thein Sein postponed the Myitsone dam project sponsored by a Chinese company sharing with the Burmese military. That annoyed Chinese officials who think Thein Sein of trying to minimize China’s role and to persuade investment from the Western democracies.
Such projects are a source of tension. Also in the Karen State, the same kind of project has been on its way. The Burmese government has given a green light to a huge port and industrial estate development in Dawei. The Italian-Thai Development Public Company Limited (ITD) is a main contractor of the Dawei multi-billion mega project.
The planned area for the Dawei project is in a conflict zone between KNU and Burma Army. Company workers are worried about their security after being caught in the crossfire between the Burma Army and Karen fighters. A KNU source told Karen News that ITD have played down the threat to the Thai media, but privately are worried about increased conflict in the region.
In brief, reforms will not be materialized easily without addressing the armed conflicts in the ethnic areas so as to establish a national reconciliation environment.
Furthermore, the government itself needs to reorganize for one voice. Before peace talks with the ethnic groups, soft-liners or moderate faction and hardliners or conventional faction in the cabinet should pragmatically negotiate first to initiate a genuine reform in the insolvent country.
http://asiancorrespondent.com/75577/reforms-look-uncertain-as-no-reconciliation-takes-place-in-burma/
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