Banqiao Dam Disaster 1975

Banqiao Dam Disaster

Banqiao Dam

(From Wikipedia)

 

 

The Banqiao Reservoir Dam (simplified Chinese: 板桥水库大坝; traditional Chinese: 板橋水庫大壩 ) is a dam on the River Ru in Zhumadian City, Henan province, China. Its failure in 1975 caused more casualties than any other dam failure in history. It was subsequently rebuilt.

The Banqiao dam and Shimantan Reservoir Dam (simplified Chinese: 石漫滩水库大坝; traditional Chinese: 石漫灘水庫大壩 ) are among 62 dams in Zhumadian that failed catastrophically or were intentionally destroyed in 1975 during Typhoon Nina.

The dam failures killed an estimated 171,000 people; 11 million people lost their homes. It also caused the sudden loss of 18 GW of powerthe power output equivalent of roughly 9 very large modern coal-fired thermal power stations.

History

Construction of the Banqiao dam began in April 1951 on the Ru River with the help of Soviet consultants as part of a project to control flooding and electrical power generation. The construction was a response to severe flooding in the Huai River Basin in 1949 and 1950. The dam was completed in June 1952. Because of the absence of hydrology data, the design standard was lower than usual. After the 1954 Huai River great flood, the upstream reservoirs including Banqiao were extended, constructed and consolidated. Banqiao Dam was increased in height by three meters. The dam crest level was 116.34 meters above sea level and the crest level of the wave protection wall was 117.64 meter above sea level. The total capacity of reservoir was 492 million m³ (398,000 acre feet), with 375 million m³ (304,000 acre feet) reserved for flood storage. The dam was made of clay and was 24.5 metres high. The maximum discharge of the reservoir was 1742 m³/s.

Cracks in the dam and sluice gates appeared after completion due to construction and engineering errors. They were repaired with the advice from Soviet engineers and the new design, dubbed the iron dam, was considered unbreakable.

Chen Xing, one of China's foremost hydrologists was involved in the design of the dam. He was also a vocal critic of the government dam building policy, which involved many dams in the basin. He had recommended 12 sluice gates for the Banqiao Dam, but this was scaled back to five. Chen Xing was criticized as being too conservative. Other dams in the project, including the Shimantan Dam, had a similar reduction of safety features and Chen was removed from the project. In 1961, after problems with the water system were revealed, he was brought back to help. Chen continued to be an outspoken critic of the system and was again removed from the project.

1975 Flood

Officially, the dam failure was a natural as opposed to man-made disaster, with government sources placing an emphasis on the amount of rainfall as opposed to poor engineering and construction. The People's Daily has maintained that the dam was designed to survive a once-in-1000-years flood (300 mm of rainfall per day) but a once-in-2000-years flood occurred in August 1975, following the collision of Super Typhoon Nina and a cold front. The typhoon was blocked for two days before its direction ultimately changed from northeastward to west. As a result of this near stationary thunderstorm system, more than a year's rain fell within 24 hours (new records were set, at 189.5 mm rainfall per hour and 1060 mm per day, exceeding the average annual precipitation of about 800 mm), which weather forecasts failed to predict. China Central Television reported that the typhoon disappeared from radar as it degraded. According to Xinhua, the forecast was for rainfall of 100 mm by the Beijing-based Central Meteorological Observatory.

Communications to the dam was largely lost due to wire failures. On August 6, a request to open the dam was rejected, because of the existing flood in downstream areas. On August 7, however, the request was accepted, but the telegrams failed to reach the dam. The sluice gates were not able to handle the overflow of water, partially due to sedimentation blockage. On August 7 at 21:30, the People's Liberation Army Unit 34450 (by name the 2nd Artillery Division in residence at Queshan county), which was deployed on the Banqiao Dam, sent the first dam failure warning via telegraph. On August 8, at 1:00, water at the Banqiao crested at the 117.94 m level above sea level, or 0.3 meter higher than the wave protection wall on the dam, and it failed. The same storm precipitated the failure of 62 dams in total. The runoff of Banqiao Dam was 13,000 m³ per second in vs. 78,800 m³ per second out, and as a result 701 million m³ of water were released in 6 hours, while 1.67 billion m³ of water were released in 5.5 hours at upriver Shimantan Dam, and 15.738 billion m³ of water were released in total.

The resulting flood waters caused a wave, 10 kilometers (6.2 mi) wide and 3–7 meters (9.8–23.0 ft) high in Suiping (遂平), to rush onto the plains below at nearly 50 kilometers per hour (31 mph), almost wiping out an area 55 kilometers (34 mi) long and 15 kilometers (9.3 mi) wide, and creating temporary lakes as large as 12,000 square kilometers (4,600 sq mi). Seven county seats, Suiping, Xiping (西平), Ru'nan (汝南), Pingyu (平舆), Xincai (新蔡), Luohe (漯河), Linquan (临泉), were inundated, as were thousands of square kilometers of countryside and countless communities. Evacuation orders had not been fully delivered due to weather conditions and poor communications. Telegraphs failed, signal flares fired by Unit 34450 were misunderstood, telephones were rare, and some messengers were caught by the flood. While only 827 out of 6,000 people died in the evacuated community of Shahedian just below Banqiao Dam, half of a total of 36,000 people died in the unevacuated Wencheng commune of Suipin County next to Shahedian, and the Daowencheng Commune was wiped from the map, killing all 9,600 citizens. Although a large number of people were reported lost at first, many of them later returned home. A 2005 book compiled by the Archives Bureau of Suiping county reports that more than 230,000 were carried away by water, in which 18,869 died. It has been reported that 90,000 - 230,000 people were killed as a result of the dam breaking.

To protect other dams from failure, several flood diversion areas were evacuated and inundated, and several dams were deliberately destroyed by air strikes to release water in desired directions. The Nihewa and Laowangpo flood diversion areas downstream of the dams soon exceeded their capacity and gave up part of their storage on August 8, forcing more flood diversion areas to begin to evacuate. The dikes on the Quan River collapsed in the evening of August 9, and the entire Linquan county in Fuyang, Anhui was inundated. As the Boshan Dam, with a capacity of 400 million m³, crested, and the water released from the failures of Banqiao and Shimantan was rushing downstream, air strikes were made against several other dams to protect the Suya Lake dam, already holding 1.2 billion m³ of water. Suya Lake only won a temporary reprieve, and both it and Boshan became targets as well. Finally, the Bantai Dam, holding 5.7 billion m³ of water, was bombed.

The Jingguang Railway, a major artery from Beijing to Guangzhou, was cut for 18 days, as were other crucial communications lines. Although 42,618 People's Liberation Army troops were deployed for disaster relief, all communication to and from the cities was cut. Nine days later there were still over a million people trapped by the waters, who relied on airdrops of food and unreachable to disaster relief. Epidemics and famine devastated the trapped survivors. The damage of the Zhumadian area was estimated to be about CN¥ 3.5 billion (US$513 million). The Zhumadian government appealed to the whole nation for help, and received more than CN¥ 300 million (US$44,000,000) in donations.

After the flood, a summit of National Flood Prevention and Reservoir Security at Zhengzhou, Henan was held by the Department of Water Conservancy and Electricity, and a nationwide reservoir security examination was performed after this meeting. Chen Xing was again brought back to the project.

Casualties

According to the Hydrology Department of Henan Province, in the province, approximately 26,000 people died from flooding and another 145,000 died during subsequent epidemics and famine. In addition, about 5,960,000 buildings collapsed, and 11 million residents were affected. Unofficial estimates of the number of people killed by the disaster have run as high as 230,000 people. The death toll of this disaster was declassified in 2005.

The Elders: Myanmar’s grassroots should have a role in national reforms, peace talks

The Elders1

A federal army for Myanmar?

Asia Times/Speaking Freely: A federal army for Myanmar?

March 24, 2014
By Saw Greh Moo

Many observers of Myanmar's political transition agree that the success of President Thein Sein's democratic reforms and national reconciliation initiatives hinges on his quasi-civilian government's ability and willingness to accommodate the political demands and desires of various ethnic groups.

Chief among those demands are greater political, economic and cultural autonomy in the form of federalism and control over the exploitation of natural resources in their geographic regions. But as political maneuvers and negotiations for a nationwide ceasefire agreement continue, armed ethnic groups led by the umbrella United Nationalities Federal Council have raised another condition for a final deal: the formation of a federal army combining the Myanmar Armed Forces, or Tatmadaw, with ethnic armies.

Military commander-in-chief General Min Aung Hlaing predictably rejected the idea out of hand. The top brass leader instead authorized the release and publication of a past secret memo where he squarely blamed ethnic groups for the country's political woes and made uncompromising militaristic remarks that "the army is afraid of no one".

Ethnic armed group leaders expressed their dismay and warned the remarks could undermine reconciliation and further negotiations. While the demand for a federal army at this stage of negotiations may be impractical, the commander-in-chief's strong objection has signaled a more hard-line position on the government's side.

In both theory and practice, many political analysts agree that the creation of a federal army in Myanmar is for now unrealistic. Across the world, no sovereign democratic country has more than one national army. Even in federal countries like Canada, India and the United States there is no federal army, although some have federal police forces.

There are various reasons why Myanmar's ethnic armed groups are demanding the formation of a federal army, many of them deeply rooted in political, psychological, and security concerns. During the six decades of the country's debilitating civil wars, various ethnic groups formed their own security forces or liberation armies to protect their people and territories from attacks and destruction by government troops.

Militarily and psychologically, ethnic rebel armies serve as the pride and protectors of their people. Although Myanmar's ethnic armies do not always live up to expectation, they are important institutions and symbols of resistance that many ethnic minority civilians often look to for moral support, guidance and protection from the ethnic Burman-led state.

Unlike their political leaders, ethnic armies command near universal respect from their people because of their sacrifice and perceived heroic roles in armed struggle. In the six decades of conflicts, tens of thousands of ethnic "revolutionary" soldiers have lost their lives and died in the name of freedom and autonomy for their people, just as the Tatmadaw has claimed to be the guardian and protector of the entire country.

In Myanmar's political history, General Aung San and his colleagues in the so-called "Thirty Comrades" are highly revered and regarded by the majority Burmans as national heroes and fathers of independence from colonial rule. But most ethnic people view them primarily as Burman nationalists who had little genuine interest in the affairs and well-being of ethnic minority groups.

Ask any ethnic Kachin, Karen, Shan, Mon or other ethnic person to name a national hero or days of national importance, very few would mention such prominent names as Aung San, the Thirty Comrades or days important to many Burmans such as Independence Day, Tatmadaw Day or Martyr Day . Instead, each ethnic group celebrates their own revolutionary heroes, political leaders and holidays that are mostly unknown to the majority of Burmans.

In other words, Myanmar's ethnic minority groups see themselves as distinct sovereign entities with their own sovereign armies. Therefore, the idea of dismantling or subordinating them to the Tatmadaw is unthinkable and politically unacceptable to many of them. Any central government attempt to take away such symbols of pride, power and prestige at the negotiation table or through force will continue to be strongly resisted.

Fear, loathing and mistrust
Deep-seated fear, loathing, and mistrust of the Tatmadaw means most ethnic armed groups will remain reluctant to put down their arms or place their armies under government control. For over half a century, government soldiers have systemically perpetuated gross human-rights abuses against ethnic people through arbitrary killings and wholesale destruction of their communities. Their actions have forced tens of thousands to flee their lands and become either internally displaced or stateless refugees in neighboring countries.

Any move in the name of a national ceasefire to put their security completely in the hands of the Tatmadaw is unimaginable to most ethnic communities. Although Thein Sein's government has currently declared ceasefires with the majority of ethnic armies, tens of thousands of government troops still occupy ethnic territories and continue to commit human-rights abuses in ethnic communities.

Discrimination and racism against ethnic minorities has long been state policy and is a major issue discouraging ethnic armed groups from integrating their armies with the Tatmadaw, as the government attempted in 2010 through the creation of so-called Border Guard Forces.

Prior to achieving independence many people of ethnic background held important and powerful positions in both the government and military. After independence, the country's three most powerful posts in the military were held by ethnic Karen. But ever since General Ne Win took power in 1962, very few people of ethnic background in the Tatmadaw have been promoted beyond the rank of colonel.

In today's 500,000-strong Myanmar Army, for instance, no ethnic minorities hold a position equivalent to the rank of a brigadier general. The Defense Service Academy - the country's most prestigious and powerful officer training school - is virtually off-limits to ethnic minority candidates. The majority of ethnic people who join the Tatmadaw today are largely relegated to the role of foot soldiers and junior officers.

Ethnic group demands for a federal army may be viewed as unrealistic, but it does not mean that both sides cannot work towards a compromise. One possible way ahead would be for the government to integrate all ethnic armies into the Tatmadaw while allowing military leaders of individual ethnic groups to serve as commanders of their respective brigades or battalions.

This arrangement would enable ethnic armies to be part of the national army but also allow them to maintain their distinct identity and feel secure within their own ethnic-based units. It's not an unprecedented formation: during colonial period and immediately following independence, the national armed forces were still organized largely along ethnic lines. For example, there were the Burma Riffles, Karen Riffles, Chin Riffles, and Kachin Riffles, all of which were part of the Union Armed Forces but led by their respective ethnic commanders.

These ethnic armies were effective and instrumental in the U Nu government's war with communist insurgents. General Smith Don, an ethnic Karen and the first post-independence army chief, was loyal to the Union government until he was forced to resign due to an escalating armed conflict between Karen insurgents and the central government. Had other ethnic armies such as the Kachin Riffles or Chin Riffles revolted and abandoned U Nu's government, the country could have collapsed or been taken over by communist forces.

Now, if any national ceasefire is too hold, the government will need to quickly demilitarize ethnic regions and drastically reduce the number of troops now stationed in border areas. Most ethnic communities still view government foot soldiers in their regions as foreign invaders with the intention of taking their lands and exploiting their resources. As long as large numbers of government troops are kept in ethnic areas, fear and insecurity will undermine prospects for national reconciliation via ceasefire.

As part of a confidence building process to restore trust between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups, the government could begin to address issues of inequality and policies that discriminate against ethnic minorities. Measures could be enacted to ensure promotions and rewards in the military are based on merit and service instead of family connections and race. While ethnic groups will continue to advocate for a federal army in exchange for a peace deal, a more inclusive Tatmadaw would be a step forward towards forging national unity.

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say.

Saw Greh Moo is an analyst and program officer at the Salween Institute.

Burma's Democracy: How Real?

Burma's Democracy: How Real?

၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပင္ဆင္ျခင္းမရိွပါက ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားမွာ စစ္မွန္မႈ မရွိႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ဘာေတးလ္ လစ္တနာေျပာ

၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပင္ဆင္ျခင္းမရိွပါက ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားမွာ စစ္မွန္မႈ မရိွႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ဘာေတးလ္လစ္တနာေျပာၾကား၊
ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုျပႆနာကို ၁၉၄၇-၄၈ ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက ရိွေနသည့္ျပႆနာဟုဆို

KBC : GUMSAN MAGAM U THEIN SEIN HTE HKRUM ZUP AI LAM

 

 

 

How to solve the peace puzzle? (Part C)

How to solve the peace puzzle? (Part B)

How to solve the peace puzzle? (Part A)

အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲနဲ႔ ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး … ဘယ္ဟာ ပထမလဲ

အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲနဲ႔ ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး … ဘယ္ဟာ ပထမလဲ

တူေမာင္ညိဳ
မတ္လ ၇၊ ၂၀၁၄

 

ဒီခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ၈၈ ၿငိမ္းပြင့္ေတြေျပာေနတဲ့ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆုိသည္မွာ “ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး” ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ “ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆”အားျပင္ဆင္ရာ၌ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းနည္းလမ္းသည္ အဓိကျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ျပင္ပမွ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ/စည္းကမ္းေသဝပ္စြာ ပ့ံပိုးေပးေရးက လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းနည္းလမ္းအတြက္ အရံ၊ အေထာက္အကူအခန္းကျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္ဟု ေတြးထင္မိပါသည္။

 

တကယ္ေတာ့ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရးသည္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔ပါတီ၏ လက္ခုပ္ထဲကအရာ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီအခ်က္ကို ပုိေသခ်ာ ေအာင္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔သမၼတ( ဗိုလ္) ဦးသိန္းစိန္က မတ္လ ေရဒီယိုမိန္႔ခြန္း၌ အခ်က္ ၂ ခ်က္ျဖင့္ သတိေပးသြားခဲ့သည္။

 

ပထမအခ်က္ “ျမန္မာ့လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းရဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ လူမႈေရးလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားနဲ႔ သဟဇာတ ျဖစ္ေအာင္ အေျခအေန အခ်ိန္အခါ အလိုက္ လိုအပ္တဲ့ျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ားျပဳလုပ္သြားရမယ္”။

 

ဒုတိယအခ်က္ “ဒီဥပေဒေတြကို ျပင္ဆင္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းတဲ့ေနရာမွာ လက္ရွိျပ႒ာန္းထားတဲ့ ဥပေဒ ေဘာင္ထဲ ကေန စည္းကမ္းတက် ႀကိဳးပမ္းအား ထုတ္ၾကရမွာျဖစ္သလို လက္ရွိဥပေဒ မူေဘာင္မ်ားကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္ အပါအဝင္ ႏုိင္ငံသားအားလံုးက အေလးထား ေလးစားလုိက္နာၾကရမွာ လည္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္”။

 

အခ်ဳပ္မွာ “ငါတို႔ ခြင့္ျပဳသေလာက္ပဲျပင္ဆင္ၾက/ ငါတုိ႔ လက္ရွိျပ႒ာန္းထားတဲ့ ဥပေဒစည္းကမ္းေတြနဲ႔ အညီ ျပင္ဆင္ၾက” လုိ႔ ေျပာတာ ပဲျဖစ္သည္။

 

ဒီအခ်က္ကို အမတ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး (ဗိုလ္) ဦးေရႊမန္းက အခုလုိ ထပ္မံျဖည့္စြက္ထားသည္။

 

“ဒီမိုကေရစီ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးမွာ တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးေရးနဲ႔လည္း ဆိုင္တယ္။ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးေရး ဆိုတာ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားတဲ့ အမိန္႔အတိုင္း လိုက္နာျခင္းကို တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးေရးလို႔ ေခၚတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ျဖစ္ေပၚေရးမွာ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးေရးက အေရးႀကီး တယ္။ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးေရး ဆိုသည္မွာ ထုတ္ျပန္ ထားေသာ ဥပေဒအဆင့္ဆင့္ကို တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြက ႀကီးၾကပ္ကြပ္ကဲမယ္ လိုက္နာ သူက အားလံုး လိုက္နာမယ္ ဒါမွ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးမႈ ျဖစ္လာမယ္”။

 

ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔သမၼတ (ဗိုလ္)ဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ အမတ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး (ဗိုလ္) ဦးေရႊမန္းတုိ႔၏ ေျပာစကားေတြဤသုိ႔ တူညီ ေနသည္မွာ သာမန္တုိက္ ဆိုင္မႈမဟုတ္ပါ။ ၂၀၀၈အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ကာကြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ လာလွ်င္ သူတို႔အခ်င္းခ်င္းအၾကား ဘာမွ်ကြဲလြဲစရာ မရွိေခ်။

 

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးႏွင့္ဥပေဒျပဳေရးအၾကား၊ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔သမၼတ (ဗိုလ္)ဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ အမတ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး (ဗိုလ္) ဦးေရႊမန္းတုိ႔ အၾကား “ပြတ္တုိက္မႈ” ဆုိ သည္တို႔မွာ အတိုက္အခံမ်ားကို လွည့္စားမႈရန္အတြက္ သူတုိ႔အကြက္ခ် ဖန္တီး ထားသည့္ ပရိယာယ္ေဝဝုစ္သာလွ်င္ျဖစ္သည္။

 

ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္က “လက္ရွိဥပေဒေဘာင္ထဲကစည္းကမ္းတက်လုပ္ၾက၊ တည္ဆဲဥပေဒမ်ားကို ေလးစား လိုက္နာၾက” ဟုေျပာၿပီး၊ ဗိုလ္ေရႊမန္း က “တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးေရးဆိုတာ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားတဲ့ အမိန္႔ အတိုင္း လိုက္နာျခင္းကို တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးေရးလို႔ ေခၚတယ္” ဟု ဆိုေလ၏။

 

က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အတုိက္အခံအမ်ားအား စစ္ဗိုလ္ေဟာင္းမ်ားသည္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ ဥပေဒျပဳေရး၊ တရားစီရင္ေရး စသျဖင့္ က႑အသီးသီးမွေန၍ သင္ခန္းစာမ်ားကို မရိုးရေအာင္ေပးလ်က္ရွိပါသည္။ ေပးသည့္နည္းကလည္းစံုလွသည္၊ အခ်ိဳ႕က ေၾကာင္ဝမ္းႏႈတ္ ေဆးေကၽြးထားသည့္ ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာ့ႏွင့္ နံနံသည့္ ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္/ ဗိုလ္ေရႊမန္း/ဗိုလ္ခင္ေအာင္ျမင့္/ဗိုလ္စုိးသိန္း/ဗိုလ္ေအာင္မင္းတို႔ မယ္မယ္ရရ ဖမ္းဆုပ္မရ သည့္ ေျပာစကားမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ အခ်ိဳ႕က (ဗိုလ္ေဇာ္မင္း၊ဗိုလ္အုန္းျမင့္၊ ဗိုလ္လွေဆြ စသည့္ ) ေမာက္မာ ရင့္သီး ရုိင္းျပလွေသာ အသံုးအႏႈန္းမ်ားျဖင့္။

 

ယခုအခါ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားမဟာမိတ္အဖြဲ႔ (UNA) ႏွင့္ ၈၈ ၿငိမ္းပြင့္မ်ား အၾကား ၂ ဖက္ သေဘာ တူညီခ်က္ ၃ ခ်က္ရရွိခဲ့ သည္ဟုသိ ရသည္။ ၎အခ်က္ ၃ ခ်က္မွာ-

 

(က) အားလံုးပါဝင္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈ ေပၚေပါက္ေရး

 

(ခ) ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု ျပင္ဆင္ႏုိင္ေရးမွာ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အခန္း(၁၂)၊ ပုဒ္မ (၄၃၆) ျပင္ဆင္ေရးကို ပထမ ဆံုးေျခလွမ္းအျဖစ္ လက္ခံသေဘာတူၿပီး ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး

 

(ဂ) ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေပၚေပါက္ေရးဟူ၍ျဖစ္သည္။

 

ဤသေဘာတူညီခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေအာက္ပါေမးခြန္းေတြေပၚလာပါသည္။

 

(က) အခ်က္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍

“အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈေပၚေပါက္ေရး”ႏွင့္ “ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး”သည္ မည္သည့္ ကိစၥက ပထမျဖစ္မည္ နည္း။ “အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈ” ကို ပထမဦးစြာ ျပဳလုပ္ ၿပီးမွ “ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး”ကို ျပဳလုပ္မည္လား သုိ႔တည္း မဟုတ္ “ပုဒ္မ ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး”ကို ပထမဦးစြာ ျပဳလုပ္ၿပီးမွ “အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈ” ကိုျပဳလုပ္မည္လား။

 

“အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈ” ဆုိသည္မွာ ယခင္ ဒီခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံထားသည့္ “၄ပြင့္ဆုိင္ေတြ႔ဆံုေရး” ကိုတုိးခ်ဲ႕ျခင္းေလာ သို႔တည္းမဟုတ္ “၄ပြင့္ဆုိင္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေရး” ထဲသို႔ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား မဟာမိတ္အဖြဲ႔ (UNA) ကို ေပါင္းထည့္ျခင္းေလာ။

 

ဒီခ်ဳပ္၏ (၆၆)ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးေန႔အခမ္းအနားေၾကညာခ်က္၌မူ “ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းမွ အျပန္အလွန္ေလးစား အသိ အမွတ္ျပဳမႈႏွင့္ ယံုၾကည္မႈကို တည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ၾကမည္၊သုိ႔မွတဆင့္ အမ်ိဳးသား ျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကိုေရွ႕ရႈလုပ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္မည္၊ ထုိမွ တဆင့္ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံ ဥပေဒဆုိင္ရာ တစ္မ်ိဳး သားလံုး၏အၾကပ္အတည္းမ်ားကိုေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္ရန္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ား ထြက္ေပၚ လာႏုိင္ေပမည္၊ ဤသို႔ေသာ အေျမာ္အျမင္ျဖင့္ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဥကၠ႒က ေလးပြင့္ဆုိင္ေတြ႔ဆံုေရးကို လမ္းေၾကာင္းေပးေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္” ဟု ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါသည္။

 

“အားလံုး”၏ အဓိပၸါယ္ႏွင့္အေရအတြက္ကို ဖြင့္ဆို/ေဖာ္ျပေစခ်င္ပါသည္။ “၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒ” ကို ေလးစားလိုက္နာသူ၊ “၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒေဘာင္္” ထဲေရာက္ေနသူ အားလံုးေလာ။

 

အခ်က္ (ခ) ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍

“ပုဒ္မ၄၃၆ျပင္ဆင္ေရး”သည္ ပထမေျခလွမ္းဟုဆိုထားပါသည္။ ဤကိစၥသည္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲက ကိစၥျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ထဲက ကိစၥမွန္သမွ်သည္ ႀက့ံဖြံ႔ပါတီႏွင့္စစ္သားအမတ္မ်ား၏ အဆံုးအျဖတ္ ေပၚတြင္အဓိကတည္ေနပါသည္။

 

ယင္းအတြက္ ၈ပူးၿငိမ္းပြင့္ႏွင့္ SNLD တို႔ကဲ့သုိ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ျပင္ပ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား အေနျဖင့္ မည္သုိ႔ ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကမည္နည္း။ ပုဒ္မ ၁၈ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးဆႏၵေဖာ္ထုတ္သကဲ့သုိ႔ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္ယူ/ ခြင့္ျပဳတဲ့ ေနရာ တြင္ ဆႏၵျပရံုမွ်ျဖင့္ ရႏုိင္ပါမည္နည္း။

 

အခ်က္ (ဂ) ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍

အခ်က္ (ဂ) “ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုေပၚေပါက္ေရး” ကိုမူ ေလာေလာဆယ္အားျဖင့္ အေထြအထူးေျပာစရာ မရွိေသးပါ။ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆိုေသာ္ အခ်က္ (ဂ) သည္ ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အခ်က္ (က) (ခ) တို႔ထက္ ပုိမိုေလးနက္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာ ကိစၥျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိ႔အျပင္ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒကို မဖ်က္သိမ္းပဲ “ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု” တည္ေထာင္၍ မရႏုိင္/မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေသာကိစၥ လည္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

 

၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ေရးသည္ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းနည္းလမ္းတစ္ခုတည္းျဖင့္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ မေပါက္ေျမာက္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း၊ အလုပ္မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိယ္တုိင္ ရိပ္စားမိ ေနၿပီဟု ယူဆပါသည္။ သို႔အတြက္ “ျပည္သူ႔အင္အားပဲသံုးမယ္” လို႔ ေျပာလာျခင္း၊ လက္ေတြ႔အားျဖင့္ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ားတြင္ တစတစေပၚေပါက္လာေသာ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆႏၵျပပြဲမ်ား၊ ၈၈ ၿငိမ္းပြင့္ ႏွင့္ ပူးတြဲလႈပ္ရွားလာျခင္းတို႔ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မည္။

 

ဤေျခလွမ္းမ်ားကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ဗိုလ္ေရႊမန္းတို႔က “ဥပေဒေဘာင္ထဲက စည္းကမ္းတက် လုပ္ၾက၊ ဥပေဒကိုေလးစား လိုက္နာၾက၊ အမိန္႔ အတုိင္းလိုက္နာျခင္းဟာ တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးေရး ျဖစ္တယ္” စသျဖင့္ ပညာေပး ဆံုးမစကားေတြ ေျပာၾကားကာ ဟန္႔ တားလာ ျခင္းျဖစ္မည္ဟု ထင္သည္။ ဗိုလ္လွေဆြတို႔လို ရုိင္းရုိင္းရမ္းရမ္း တပည့္မ်ားမွတဆင့္လည္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း ဓါတ္ပံုသံုးစြဲေနမႈ၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခား ေထာက္ပံ့ေငြ ဟူသည့္ကိစၥမ်ားျဖင့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေကာ္မရွင္မွ အေရးယူရန္ မ်က္စပစ္ျပ ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မည္။

 

နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ရလွ်င္ “အားလံုးပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးႏွင့္ ပုဒ္မ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး” တုိ႔တြင္ အဘယ္ကိစၥ သည္ ပထမဦးစား ေပးျဖစ္သည္ကို ကြဲကြဲျပားျပားေဖာ္ျပေစခ်င္ပါသည္။

 

တစ္စုတစ္စည္းထဲေသာ လူထုစြမ္းအားမပါရွိလွ်င္ (နဝတ-နအဖ) စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အေမြခံ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔ပါတီႏွင့္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔အစိုးရသည္ “အားလံုး ပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးႏွင့္ ပုဒ္မ၄၃၆ ျပင္ဆင္ေရး” အပါအဝင္ မည္သည့္အရာကိုမွ် လိုက္ေလ်ာလိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ။

 

လူထုအက်ိဳးကို အၿမဲမ်က္ႏွာမူေလ့ရွိေသာ ဒီခ်ဳပ္နာယကႀကီး ဦးဝင္းတင္က မႏၱေလးလူထုမွတဆင့္ တျပည္လံုး ျပည္သူလူထုႀကီးထံ “ ဒီအခ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးသာဆုိရင္ တတိယ အေရးေတာ္ပံုႀကီးေပၚလိမ့္မယ္၊ အသင့္ျပင္ထားၾက” လို႔ သတိေပးႏႈိးေဆာ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

 

ညြန္း

သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္၊ ၁ မတ္ ၂၀၁၄ မိန္႔ခြန္း

ျပည္ေထာင္စုလႊတ္ေတာ္နာယက ဦးေရႊမန္းႏွင့္မီဒီယာမ်ားေတြ႔ဆံုျခင္း ၆ မတ္ ၂၀၁၄၊ ဒီဗြီဘီ

ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုပူးေပါင္းျပင္ရန္ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔၊ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီႏွင့္ ၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္တို႔ သေဘာတူ၊ ၆ မတ္ ၂၀၁၄၊ ဒီဗြီဘီ

ဒီလိႈင္းစာေစာင္၊ အတြဲ ၃ ၊ အမွတ္ ၁၊ (၆-၁-၂၀၁၄)

ဒီလိႈင္းစာေစာင္၊ အတြဲ ၃ ၊ အမွတ္ ၉၊ (၃-၃-၂၀၁၄)

 

http://moemaka.com/archives/36245

 

The Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System

The Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System

Jinghpaw ngu shamying lai wa sai Kachin ni

Jinghpaw ngu shamying lai wa sai Kachin ni

March 2, 2014

Kachin State ngu daidaw la lu wa na matu ..

Jinghpaw Dap ni, Jinghpaw Ranger Dap, Jinghpaw Levi dap ni grai shakut wa masai.

Dai Jinghpaw Dap ni hta Maru, Lashi, Azi, Rawang, Lisu, Hkahku, Duleng, Gauri, Sinli masha ni asak apnawng shakut shaja wa masai.

Dai aten, dai mung masa hpawa hta Jinghpaw ngu ai amyu sha byin pru wa sai hte maren Hpanwa Ningsang Chyewa Ningchyang hpe jaw jau bung ai amyu sha anhte ni yawng a lapran “Jinghpaw Ga” gaw shada matut mahkai kahkyin gumdin na matu kaja dik Karai Kasang kaw na shaman chyeju kumhpa lu la saka ai. Dai majaw Dr. Ola Han Son(1864-1927) gaw “Jinghpaw Laika” hpe Myen Hkawhkam ni pat hkum ai lapran e shalat nhtawm Chyum Laika(Bible) hpe mung shawng nnan Kachin yawng a matu Jinghpaw Laika hte dip galaw shapraw wa ai lam ni gaw .. grai loi la ai magam bungli nre zawn atang ahpa myit kau na lam mung shang nnga nhten.

Shadip Jahpang ahkaw ahkang nnga wa ai nhkan .. shing nrai tinang amyu hpe tinang nlu gaw sharawt la ai nhkan e daini na aten gadai mung kadai chye ai hku sawn dinglik galaw sa wa ai ten hta sadi maja let sung sung li li myit nhtawm kahkyin gumdin hte shawng de lahkam sa wa yang chyu sha anhte yawng myit mada ai Awmdawm ai Kachin Land ngu ai shingran de du wa mai na re.

Jinghpaw ngu ai gaw kadai ni rai ma ai ta? Gauri ni i? Gauri gaw Azi she re .. Zi Lahpai Nta ni she rai ma ai ..

Moi gaw Jinghpaw ngu jang Maru, Lashi, Azi, Rawang, Lisu, Hkahku, Duleng, Gauri, Sinli masha ni yawng hkyawm ai hku chye na lai wa saka ai.

Daini .. Jinghpaw Wunpawng ngu ai hpe nkam hkap la Jinghpaw ga hte Jinghpaw Laika mung ahkyak nrai mat .. Wunpawng ngu ai hpe pi yawng hkap la nkam .. shada shawngshai nga ai anhte Chyurum Hpunau ni wa .. Kachin Land a primary language hte Writing ngu ai hte la-kap nhtawm hpang e naw gasat hkat ra na ga ai kun?  India e nga ai saidaw saichyen ni gaw “Singhpaw”  ngu hkam la ma ai .. Miwa Gumsan Mungdan kaw nga ai Zi Zaiwa amyu malawng maga gaw “Jinghpaw Land” ngu myit rawt shamu shamawt wa nga ma ai.

Shinggyim mungkan a labau gaw hkring nga ai, mi na the maren sha “nan nan” rai nga ai lam nnga ai hpe mungkan masha yawng chye na hkap la ai, raitim labau ngu ai hpe malap mali shingdu gayin kau ai lam mung hkap la mai ai lam nrai nga ai .. Jinghpaw amyu ni ngu hkam la tawn ai kaw na, Jinghpaw Wunpawng Amyu sha ngu bai jai lang wa sai .. ya ten gaw Jinghpaw ngu ai hpe jahkrat nna “Wunpawng” ngu yang she main a re ngu bai garu gachyi hpang wa sai, myit yu na lam gaw kaning ngu mying-hkawt hpe lang na mi raitim jaw teng ai, pri manen ai hte yawng myit hkrum dawdan nhtawm hkan nang ghkan sa lu ai rai yang galu kaba rawt jat sa wa lu ai re majaw htaphtuk ai lam rai nga ai.

Minister Khin Yi ndau shana ai hku nga yang .. “Jinghpaw Wunpawng” ngu ai hpe nkam hkam la shajang ai anhte Maru, Lashi, Azi, Rawang, Lisu, Hkahku, Duleng, Gauri, Sinli, Manmaw, Htingnai masha ni  wa hpawt ni hpawt hpra Myen Asuya kaw na Yuptung Jahpan hta ngut ai hpang Myen Mungdan Masha yawng a ID kaw Amyu Sha ngu ai hta “Myanmar” ngu masat hkrum na lam hpe n-gup pat zim lazim sha nga na saka ai kun?


Yumaya Hpyen Magamgun Dingsa