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Tuesday, June 21, 2011

Ethnic Conflicts are the Generals’ Golden Goose


By Dr. ZARNI Tuesday, June 21, 2011

The last 10 days saw the breakdown of the ceasefire between Burmese generals and the Kachin minority, one of modern Burma’s founding ethnic communities. But it’s important not to view this primarily through prism of ethnicity—emphatically, the generals are equal opportunity oppressors who discriminate not on the basis of ethnicity or religious faith, but in terms of their personal and institutional interests.

While there are “natural” ethnic prejudices among Burma’s “communities of difference” (in terms of religion, ethnicity and ideology) these prejudices don’t automatically evolve and deepen themselves into ethnic hatred and intractable conflicts. After all, Aung San Suu Kyi’s father—the slain national hero Aung San—was able to work out a multi-ethnic treaty on the eve of the country’s independence.

On the basis of ethnic and political equality, the country’s minorities, with legitimate historical claims over their own ancestral regions, agreed to join the post-independent Union of Burma.

This was no small achievement in the face of various attempts to mobilize ethnic grievances by local minorities and majority political elites, as well as some external players such as conservative elements within the British colonial and military establishments. As sincere as he was when he won over the Kachin, Shan and Chin leaders with his pledge of “Bama one Kyat, Shan one Kyat”, the strategic importance of the adjacent minority regions to the Bama majority’s interests was not at all lost on him.

The country’s conflicts regarding different ethnic communities are political because they are fundamentally rooted in the minorities’ demands for, and the Burmese ruling classes’ rejections of, the recognition that modern, post-independence Burma was the result of the voluntary coming together of different ethnic groups where were all equally indigenous to the land.

The politically defiant minority organizations and communities have been fighting the Burmese government since 1947—that is, just months before the country’s independence from Britain. The historic agreement to unite Burma as a voluntary federation based on the inviolable principle of ethnic equality was buried along with Aung San’s remains that same year. Virtually all of his Bama nationalist contemporaries, soldiers and civilians, held the mistaken view that federalism was about secession, and have done everything to kill minorities’ federalist aspirations accordingly.

The result was the minority groups feel the dissolution of British rule only brought them under the internal colonial arrangement imposed on them by the Bama post-colonial civilian elites, the likes of Prime Minister Ba Swe and Deputy Prime Minister Kyaw Nyein, with the help of their allies in the military who helped institute this “internal colonialism.”

Even before the decisive military coup of 1962, successive military leaderships since the country’s independence have pursued policies or strategies on a broad continuum between minimal accommodation of ethnic minorities at best, to total annihilation at worst.

During a nearly 10-hour interview with me in 1995, the well-respected nationalist former Colonel Chit Myaing said that the founding of the Bahtoo army town in Shan State as the original seat of the country’s Defense Services Academy in the early 1950s was one of the first attempts to build military bases in strategic locations throughout non-Bama ethnic regions.

The hidden objective was to ready the Bama Tatmadaw or Royal Army for preemptive strikes against any minority group with federalist and independence aspirations. The resultant dynamic is the crux of the ethnic conflicts in Burma.

Because the generals have come to view the conflicts, especially the “ethnic conflicts”, as their main justification to maintain their power structures, they have shown no interest or political will for establishing genuine and lasting peace.

In fact, the generals have turned domestic conflicts into their golden goose. That is one of the reasons why the generals have never attempted to translate the “gentleman’s ceasefire agreements”—reached in the early and mid-1990s with around 17 different armed minority organizations—into lasting political agreements.

In keeping these conflicts alive, the Burmese military regime has retained the old colonial-era politics of exploiting ethnic differences in order to suit its strategy of “divide and rule”. Typically, the Burmese military have induced, searched, amplified and exploited detectable differences of interests, generations, religious faiths and visions between the Burmese majority and the minorities, between one single minority community, between families and clans, and among minorities themselves.

For instance, in Shan State where there was strong armed resistance by Shan nationalists, the military would encourage, facilitate and support formation of the Kokang Han Chinese and Shan-Chinese into minority militias and allow the latter to engage in lucrative narcotics trade.

In turn, the militias formed under the military’s indirect patronage would cooperate with the Burmese military, for instance, in terms of local intelligence gathering or providing Burmese military commanders a share in their economic spoils.

Contrary to the empirically false academic view which paints Burma’s generals as simple-minded “war-fighters” who don’t do politics, these men in uniform have proven themselves adept at manipulating both domestic and external developments.

During the past 50 years of military dictatorships under different disguises, ethnic and dialectic differences get multiplied and amplified by the regime in order to create an impression that—with more than “100 different ethnic groups”—the dreadful Balkan scenario lurks just beneath the surface of the country’s ethnic politics and will be unleashed without the strong central hand of the military to hold these centrifugal forces together.

Within Asian regional context as well as internationally, the military has maintained a very active propaganda campaign, tailoring the content to resonate with the target governments and organizations.

With Burma’s neighbors, generally stability-conscious national governments and UN agencies, the military propaganda regarding ethnic minorities is designed to stoke the general fear of Burma’s balkanization, perceived or real. In this context, the military paints itself as the only strong hand which is capable of guaranteeing the integrity of territorial boundaries and internal stability.

For the dominant Burmese majority and the Burmese-dominated military rank and files, the military maintains and propagates its own revisionist history where the ethnic minorities are secessionists hell bent on triggering the balkanization of Burma, a country where the Burmese majority have always been a superior group whose contributions—vis-à-vis those of other ethnic groups—to state and nation-building are unparalleled. From this racist and statist standpoint, genuine federalism based on ethnic equality is tantamount to nation-disintegrating political arrangement.

As a matter of fact, the generals have been modulating the volume of these conflicts, depending on the international climate of the day. Throughout the Cold War, under Britain’s arrangement, anti-Communist Burmese generals would be on study tours in Southeast Asian countries like Malaysia to observe first-hand how the British military was applying “Four Cuts Strategies” (cutting the enemy of intelligence/information, supplies, new recruits and finance) against the Malay communists—strategies which the Burmese would later apply against not only their own communist troops but also minority rebel strongholds.

Within the Burmese Army itself, the uncompromising military leadership has consistently crushed any moderate cliques who begin to seek genuine understanding and peace arrangements with armed resistance leaderships such as the Kachin or the Karen minorities.

Recurring waves of dissent within the military and corresponding wholesale purges are in part related to signs of some sub-cliques within the military wanting to pursue a more peaceful—as opposed to annihilationist—policy towards both the minorities and majority Burmese dissidents.

Since the end of the Cold War there have been the shifting alliances and/or business partnerships among Burma’s military, neighboring governments such as Thailand, India and China, and various armed ethnic organizations along the 3,000-plus kilometer Indo-, Sino- and Thai-Burmese borders. These have had significant impact on the dynamic and political economy of ethnic conflicts in Burma. In this connection, the two unfolding phenomena warrant a close-up look: the resurgence of economic developmentalism and the creation of a single, integrated lucrative energy market in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region (GMS).

In Burma’s neighborhood, governments are focused on development and economic growth through large-scale projects such as dam constructions, overland cross-border trade, special trans-boundary economic zones which will turn displaced Burmese populations into cheap laborers in assembly lines and dirty industries such as oil refineries.

The integrated energy market in Southeast Asia intends to draw much of its resources and electricity from the border areas of Burma. Most of these projects are situated across ethnic minority lands.

The generals’ insensitivity to the survival needs of local communities results in the rise in military tensions with respective ethnic armed organizations. This the military uses as a way of re-framing itself as the guarantor of physical safety of these mega-development projects and provider of market stability. Ominously for the multi-ethnic communities of Burma, a confluence of interest and (pro-market) ideology between the generals and external players is emerging.

Dr. Zarni is a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

KIA's Press Release

(Unofficial Translation)
Official Seal of Kachin Independence Army (K.I.A)

Press Release

Date: 20 June 2011
Laiza

We respectfully announce the followings to the people in Kachin State.
(1) There has been fighting between the KIA troops and the Burma army since 9 June 2011.
(2) The KIO (Kachin Independence Organization) never want to make and see the troubles and damages of people.
(3) We make this announcement with an intention to inform the people the true events and to counter the false news story published by Kyee Mon (Mirror) newspaper on 17 June 2011.
(4) On 8 June 2011, the troops from the KIA’s 3rd Brigade, 15th Battalion, stopped two Burmese soldiers, a Sergeant from Light Infantry Battalion No. (437) and a police private, whom infiltrated into the KIA’s controlled area. The Sergeant escaped and KIA troops detained Police Private Ye Naing temporarily.
(5) At 14:30 Hr on the same day, KIA detained two Burmese officials, Captain Myat Ko Ko and Lieutenant Ko Ko Win, who infiltrated into our area with full weapons.
(6) The Commander of the Burma army’s Northern Military Command contacted the KIO Headquarters and informed that his soldiers should be released. He also sent more troops to the area and prepared military offensives at the same time.
(7) On 9 June 2011, at 03:00 Hr, the troops from the Burma army, Light Infantry Battalions No. 437 and 348 arrived at Sang Gang Village and started shooting at the KIA’s frontline post.

(Page 2)

(8) At 05:00 Hr on the same day, the Burma army troops surrounded the KIA’s liaison office at Sang Gang Village and arrested Lance Corporal Chyang Ying (who was alone in the office).
(9) KIA troops from the 15th Battalion abandoned its frontline post at Sang Gang and withdrew back to Busan Post. Till then, KIA didn’t shoot back to the Burma army troops.
(10) But, KIA had to shoot back at the Burma army troops at 07:00 Hr on June 9, 2011, as they marched into Busan Post and continued the attack.
(11) At 08:00 Hr, the Northern Military Command contacted the KIO Headquarters and informed that if the KIA released the detained Burmese soldiers, they would also released detained KIA soldiers.
(12) The KIO replied to the Northern Military Command that it needed the official written statement; the Northern Military Command responded that there was not necessary to make a written statement.
(13) At 11:30 Hr, the Northern Military Command again contacted the KIO HQs.
(14) After negotiations, KIA stop shooting at 11:45 HR and the Burma army stop shooting at 12:30 HR.
(15) The Burma army said that Lance Corporal Chyang Ying was dead from excessive bleeding due to the wound sustained in the battle field. They just retuned the weapons belonged to Chyang Ying at 17:45 Hr.
(16) Actually, he was arrested at Sang Gang Liaison Office and not at the battle field. It is obvious that the Burma army troops reported to their superior with false information.
(17) Anyhow, the KIA patiently returned three Burmese soldiers, Captain Myat Ko Ko, Lieutenant Ko Ko Win, and Police Private Ye Naing, to the Burma army, in good and healthy condition and with their weapons. However, the Northern Military Command has not released any KIA soldiers they have detained as of today.

(Page 3)

(18) At 16:00 Hr on the same day (9 June 2011), Colonel Aung Toe, Commander of the Burma army’s Moemaik Tactical Command, informed to KIO HQs that he would be allowed to pass the KIA posts on his way to Tapaing Hydropower Project for regular inspection. KIO HQs allowed him to pass the area.
(19) After repeated requests, the Northern Military Command returned the body of Lance Corporal Chyang Ying at 14:55 Hr on 10 June 2011.
(20) As we inspected the body, we found that he was killed by tortures inflicted upon his body by the Burma army.
(21) (At the same time) the Northern Military Command informed to the KIO HQs that Colonel Aung Toe and his troops would not come back and they would station at the Tapaing Hydropower Project. And they also asked the KIA troops to withdraw from the Busan Post.
(22) In addition, the Burma army reinforced its troops in the area with more troops from Light Infantry Battalions Nos. (320), (348), (387), (321), Infantry Battalions Nos. (237), (236), (74), (21), (105), (141), and (37).
(23) (Again) the Northern Military Command sent an ultimatum to KIO HQs that KIA troops should be withdrawn from the Busan Post by 12:00 Hr on 11 June 2011.
(24) We would like to inform to the people that fighting continues to this day due to the unavoidable situations as stated above.


Information Department
Laiza


Note:

Northern Military Command: The Headquarters of the Burma Army which controls the Kachin State. The Commander is Brigadier General Zay Yar Aung.
LIB: Light Infantry Battalion of the Burma Army
IB: Infantry Battalion of the Burma Army
KIO: Kachin Independence Organization
KIA: Kachin Independence Army (Military Wing of the KIO)
Sang Gang: Are in Momauk Township, Bhamo District, nearby Tapaing River, where two Hydropower Projects are being built by a Chinese company, joint venture business between the Burmese regime and the Chinese government

Letter from Laiza: High Spirits at the Kachin Rebel Headquarters





By RYAN LIBRE
Tuesday, June 21, 2011


In Laiza spirits are high. There is a vibrancy in the air and the leadership of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and its armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), talk of their options with optimism. Many civilians have huddled into churches and makeshift refugee camps just meters from the Chinese border. They have chosen this spot because they don’t trust the central government not to order an attack on civilians, but know that Naypyidaw is concerned about shelling China by accident. Those left in the city don’t look scared.

The Kachin are in the honeymoon stage of war. If this turns into a full-scale prolonged war, this honeymoon will fade as the realities of war and refugees grow. However, the celebratory atmosphere in Laiza is not without warrant. I have personally seen many factors, some of which are still unknown even to specialists on the topic, that give the Kachin reason to be optimistic about their position and enable them to bargain with the central government with authority. The Burmese army has no chance of quickly wiping out the KIA as they did the Kokang in 2009.

The Kachin are known to be fierce fighters, but they are not warmongers. Even now, in the excitement of renewed fighting, one of the most frequently spoken words I hear during the long civil debates among the leaders and elders is “simsa”, which means peace in their native Jinghpaw language. The Kachin are the most peace-loving, kind and tolerant people I have ever come across.

However, the Kachin cannot live peacefully without their own army under the current government. As one civilian member of the KIO’s central committee told me, “There are so many gross abuses of power now, I can’t image what would happen if we had no arms to create a balance.”

Naypyidaw demanded that the KIO/KIA accept the Border Guard Force (BGF) plan without addressing any of the reasons the Kachin feel they need to protect themselves. In the many talks the two sides held to discuss the BGF issue, the central government never truly negotiated. It thought it had enough weapons and power to bully the KIA to accept, but in the end was unable to get its own way, which brings us to the inevitable fighting this week.

The commander of the Burmese army’s Northern Regional Command, Brig-Gen Zeyar Aung, wrote a letter to the KIO under the heading, “In response to your request [for a cease-fire],” even though the KIO had never asked for a cease-fire. Before the Kachin leaders could even begin to draft a reply, they had to decide what this example of Orwellian doublespeak was actually supposed to mean. Reading between the lines, they decided that the message from the northern commander was this: “There is no meaningful dialogue to be had with us.” After much deliberation and many drafts, the KIO replied, in part, that if the government wanted the fighting to stop, there was no need for a cease-fire. Simply stop your troops from entering our area and the fighting will cease by itself, they said.

This is proof that the central government is incapable of, and seemingly not even interested in, working toward a lasting solution to the deep-seated problems that have been with this unequal union from the very beginning. The KIO has asked China to step in and mediate the situation. But at this stage, they seem more convinced than ever that the “road map to disciplined democracy” was created to give directions to a dead end and waste time so that the central government could continue to rape the land and amass wealth and weapons.

Even though they appear to have lost all faith in Naypyidaw, the KIO/KIA still believe that peace will return to their homeland. The US, EU and UN can all do more to bring lasting peace to the Kachin and Burma. However, even combined, they have less influence over Burma than China does. What China will do is still not clear.

What the Kachin see as a solution is clear. As Gen Gam Shawng, the KIA chief of staff, told me: “If we get real state rights and a federal union, we will lay down our arms. It will be a clean and lasting diplomatic solution.”

It is equally clear to the Kachin that the Lady in Rangoon, rather than the generals in Naypyidaw, represents their best hope of achieving the permanent peace they seek. This is probably why, at a time when Laiza had been emptied of much of its population, many of those who remained, including KIO/KIA leaders such as Gen Gam Shawng and Gen Gun Maw, took precious time away from their duties to pay their respects to Aung San Suu Kyi on her 66th birthday last Sunday.

Some 150 people attended a birthday event organized by a group known as the Democratic Force, consisting mostly of students from the ‘88 generation. The majority were Kachin, although there were also many other ethnic groups and Burmese at the party. After the ceremony was finished, people lined up to sign a two-meter tall birthday card for Suu Kyi. Gen Gam Shawng was the first to add his name.

It is impossible to understand how the Kachin see Suu Kyi without looking at the relationship her father, Gen Aung San, had with them. It was Aung San who convinced the Kachin to join the union. They trusted his promise of a union based on equality, a promise that was betrayed by his successors. This history has forever changed Kachin State and its people, making it difficult for some Kachin to put complete trust in Suu Kyi’s promises.

The fact that many now see her as a person worthy of real admiration is perhaps a signal that the KIO/KIA is willing to let go of the past and work together for the future.

Saturday, June 18, 2011

HPYEN TSIN-YAM MUNG SHAWA



Ndai Tsin-Yam Mungshawa ni gaw ya byin nga ai majan, hpa majaw gasat hkat nga ai hpe chye mung nchye myit lawm na aten mung nlu, tinang a yi, Sun, Hkauna machyu let sim sim sa sa nga mayu ai Jinghpaw Wunpawng Mung Shawa ni re. Daini shanhte a sak hpe hpyen ni kaw na kashun let Yinam Marang, Ji-grawng, Mayan, Nsin Nmun, Nam Mali Mala hkan hprawng jawng nga masai. Shanhte a matu Lusha, Nba, hpun palawng ni ra nga sai. Shim lum ai Lakawn Lanawn Dabang hkan shani shagu du shang wa nga masai. Anhte shinggyim nau-na tsaw ra myit hte jawm garum la ga. KIA Hpyen hpung hpe nlu garum ai amyu sha nkau mung ndai lamang hta larau lahtau shanglawm mai nga ai.

Yumaya Hpyen Magam Gun Dingsa

ANHTE A AWNG PADANG YEHOWA KARAI KASANG




Padang Hkrun Lam Majan Masing a Chyum Gabaw hpe "ANHTE A AWNG PADANG YEHOWA KARAI KASANG" ngu masat na matu Ningbaw Kaba Lanyaw Zawng Hra kaw nna June 17, 2011 ya shani dawdan masat dat ya ai lam chye lu ai.



Yumaya Hpyen Magam Gun Dingsa

Thursday, June 16, 2011